User:Caio79 (Brazil)

HeDing text
Soon

Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Afonso Celso de Assis - Others. - 2 - Liberal

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. - 48 - Conservative

Antônio da Silva Prado - Yes. - 13 - Conservative

Afonso Pena - Yes. - 18 - Liberal

Joaquim Nabuco - Yes. - 18 - Liberal

Rodolfo Dantas - Later. - Liberal

Eduardo Prado - Yes. - Conservative

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. - 20 - Liberal

João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira - Others. - 3 - Conservative

Saldanha da Gama - Others. - 4

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - Conservative - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Antônio Saraiva - No. - Liberal

Carlos de Laet - Others + Academia - 2 - Conservative

Alberto Torres - Yes. - 13 - Liberal

Lafayatte Rodrigues - No. - Liberal

Oligarchy:

Rodrigues Alves - Yes. - Conservative - Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves was born on the Pinheiro Velho farm, belonging to his maternal grandfather, in the municipality of Guaratinguetá, in the Paraíba valley, on July 7, 1848, to Domingos Rodrigues Alves and Isabel Perpétua Alves. His father, Portuguese by birth, came to Rio de Janeiro alone in 1832 and from there moved to Guaratinguetá, where he devoted himself to trade and farming and raised a family. His mother was the daughter of José de Paula e Silva and Maria Luísa dos Anjos Querido, from a family from the town of Cunha, where relatives had participated in the local administration. His brother, Colonel Virgílio Rodrigues Alves, was a state senator in São Paulo (1901-1919), vice-president of the state (1920-1922) and member of the executive committee of the Paulista Republican Party; Third of 13 brothers, Francisco studied in Guaratinguetá. In 1859 he was enrolled at Colégio Pedro II, in Rio de Janeiro, considered the best secondary school in the country, where he was a boarding school colleague of Joaquim Nabuco. In 1866 he entered the Faculty of Law of São Paulo. Founded in 1827, along with that of Olinda, the institution was then called the Academy of Social and Legal Sciences and was a breeding ground for politicians, such as Rodrigues Alves himself and his contemporaries Joaquim Nabuco, Rui Barbosa, Castro Alves and Afonso Pena; In college, he stood out in his studies, always approved with the maximum grade, and began political militancy in the conservative wing, which was opposed to the liberals and which included Rui Barbosa and Afonso Pena. He belonged to the group of the newspaper Imprensa Acadómica, organ of the conservatives, of which he was editor-in-chief in 1869 and where he wrote about international affairs, especially about the Paraguayan War (1865-1870). He also joined Freemasonry and was one of the leaders of the Burschenschaft, a secret society active at the Faculty of Law, in which many of those who would stand out in imperial and republican politics participated. Although the so-called “Bucha” from São Paulo was liberal, abolitionist and republican, some students, when they became statesmen, opted for the conservative, slave-owning and monarchist orientation. The Fraternidade store, which operated in the academy and had abolitionism as its banner, became the public association Fraternidade Primeira, in which Rodrigues Alves, Rui Barbosa and former slave Luís Gama participated; Rodrigues Alves graduated in 1870 and soon after returned to Guaratinguetá. Appointed interim public prosecutor, the following year he was made effective. His political career began in 1872, when he was elected provincial deputy for the Conservative Party, with the support of Francisco de Assis de Oliveira Borges, Viscount of Guaratinguetá, a rich man and local political leader. In 1873 he was appointed municipal judge and the first deputy of the district court judge, and the following year he was re-elected provincial deputy. In his first term, he advocated compulsory education. In the second, he manifested himself regarding the interpretation of the Additional Act, the religious question and the serf problem, placing himself as a moderate emancipationist and contrary to the project that created a provincial tax on slaves; In 1875 he married his first cousin Ana Guilhermina de Oliveira Borges, granddaughter of the Viscount of Guaratinguetá. On the other hand, his brother Virgílio married Maria Guilhermina, sister of Ana Guilhermina. Having failed to be elected for the 1876-1877 biennium, in addition to continuing his career as a magistrate, he joined his mother-in-law and brother Virgílio to explore the Três Barras coffee farm and opened the firm Viúva Borges e Genros. With the decline of coffee production in the region, he and his brother followed the coffee march to the west of São Paulo, where he opened the São Manoel, Santa Ana and Santa Maria farms, between the municipalities of Jaú and Bauru, and created the firm Rodrigues Alves is brother. He returned to the Provincial Assembly from 1878 to 1879, along with republicans Prudente de Morais and Martinho Prado; In 1885 – a time when, under the Saraiva Law, direct voting already existed – he was elected general deputy. According to his biographer Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco, without exercising mandates in the previous period, he was able to carefully prepare his political bases. Moving with his family to Rio de Janeiro to occupy a seat in the Chamber of Deputies, he initially had a low profile, but was re-elected for the 1887-1888 period. He then joined the Conservative Union, a dissident wing created within the Conservative Party and led by Antônio Prado, whose spokesperson was Correio Paulistano; On November 8, 1887, the Cotegipe cabinet appointed him president of the province of São Paulo. He took office 11 days later, at a time of serious unrest stemming from slave revolts encouraged by abolitionists. With regard to health, measures were taken to quell the smallpox epidemic that ravaged the city of Santos, port of entry for immigrants. He took steps to promote immigration but failed to quell captive rebellions; When the Baron of Cotegipe resigned from the Council of Ministers, in March 1888, he left the presidency of the province and returned to the Chamber of Deputies, where the emancipation of slaves was being discussed. He voted in favor of the Lei Áurea and, in August of the same year, received the title of Councilor of the Empire, granted by Princess Isabel. At that time, he began to be called Rodrigues Alves counselor and collaborated in the newspaper O Debate, signing his articles with the pseudonym Gide, when he spoke of economics. The caricaturists of Revista Ilustrada and O Malho insisted on the image of Rodrigues Alves sleeping; With the Republic proclaimed on November 15, 1889, and the National Constituent Assembly convened, São Paulo politicians formed their ticket and invited the monarchists Rodrigues Alves and Antônio Prado to join it, in order to rely on their experience and ensure their adherence to the new regime. Elected and sworn in on November 15, 1890, Rodrigues Alves had a faded participation, but was one of the signatories of the Constitution of February 24, 1891. With the transformation of the Constituent Assembly into the National Congress, composed of the Federal Senate and the Chamber of Deputies, elected to the Finance Committee of the latter house; On November 3, 1891, the President of the Republic, Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, dissolved Congress for disagreeing with the vote on the law regulating crimes of responsibility. Congress and the Navy reacted and, in a movement led by Custódio de Melo and Eduardo Wandenkolk, the Aquidabã ship bombed Rio de Janeiro. On 23 November Deodoro resigned. The vice-president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, took his place, who appointed Rodrigues Alves Minister of Finance, with the mission of normalizing the country's finances in the face of the serious consequences of the Encilhamento policy adopted by Minister Rui Barbosa, a member of Deodoro's government. It was the new minister's intention to take over bank issues, withdraw the privileges granted to issuing banks and put into practice a containment plan, including foreign exchange. In 1892, when Floriano Peixoto rejected the plan proposed by the English bankers of the Rothschild family to recover the country's financial stability, the minister resigned, being replaced by Serzedelo Correia; Also in 1892 the executive commission of the PRP was rebuilt, with Prudente de Morais in the presidency. Rodrigues Alves, a former monarchist, joined it. In March 1893, he was elected senator for São Paulo, to end the mandate of Rangel Pestana, who had resigned to assume the presidency of the Banco da República do Brasil. His interventions were always linked to the theme of finance. In 1894, at the one-third renewal of the Senate, he was re-elected to a nine-year term; On November 15, 1894, he took office as president of the Republic Prudente de Morais, the first civilian president, who came to office through direct election. Rodrigues Alves then resigned as Senator to return to be Minister of Finance. While, in the political area, Prudente de Morais tried to pacify the south of the country, the minister sought to restructure the finances, internally defending paper money and, externally, the exchange rate, in addition to negotiating with foreign banks. In 1896, the country's situation worsened with the drop in exports and the increase in imports, lacking currency to pay off foreign commitments. Negotiations for the funding loan, a consolidation loan, then began between London and the Brazilian government. That same year, in November, a serious illness led Prudente de Morais to resign from the presidency, and his deputy, Manuel Vitorino, took over the position. The ministry was reformulated and Rodrigues Alves was replaced by Bernardino de Campos, also from São Paulo; Prudente de Morais resumed government on March 4, 1897, communicating the act to Manuel Vitorino through a laconic note, given the difficult relations between both. His return to power was motivated by the unrest arising from the failures of federal troops in Canudos. Rodrigues Alves was re-elected as a senator on June 26, in an election held to fill the vacancy created by the resignation of Cerqueira César. On November 5, when attending the reception for soldiers returning from Canudos, on the pier of the Arsenal da Guerra, Prudente was the target of an attack that cost the life of his Minister of War, Marshal Carlos Machado Bittencourt. Prudente had been warned that Jacobins, who idolized Floriano, threatened his life; Elected president in March 1898, before taking office Campos Sales traveled to Europe to finalize negotiations aimed at defending the country from the economic crisis that threatened it. In the Senate, Rodrigues Alves took the podium several times to address economic issues, in addition to having delivered a speech in defense of Prudente de Morais. Upon being sworn in as president in November, Campos Sales instituted the governors' policy, or state policy, seeking party harmony. Rodrigues Alves was his spokesperson in the Senate, at the same time that, in São Paulo politics, he was a member of the executive committee of the PRP. In February 1899, his move to the government of São Paulo was already established, succeeding Fernando Prestes, political leader of Itapetininga; Rodrigues Alves was elected president of São Paulo on February 15th and sworn in on May 1st, 1900. He declared in his inaugural speech that he would encourage farming. Great efforts were expended to address the sanitary issue, as a yellow fever epidemic was raging in some municipalities in the interior and cases of bubonic plague alarmed Santos, port of entry for immigrants. As a complementary measure to prevent sanitation, he created the Butantã Institute, dedicated to serotherapy (research of therapeutic serums). The public hygiene service in the state was directed by the sanitarian Emílio Ribas; There were great financial difficulties arising from the economic crisis caused by the drop in the price of coffee in international markets and by the overproduction resulting from the enormous expansion of coffee plantations. For Rodrigues Alves, the problems were not limited to fluctuations in international market prices; were also linked to production. To guarantee manpower for the coffee plantation, he then took measures to encourage immigration; In early 1902, he resigned from the government of São Paulo to run for president of the Republic in succession to Campos Sales, who supported him. His deputy would be Silviano Brandão, president of the state of Minas Gerais. To govern São Paulo, he appointed the historic republican Bernardino de Campos. Then there was a split within the PRP, as not all party members accepted the policy of the governors of Campos Sales and their imposition of candidates for state government, seen as authoritarian. The dissidents also proposed a revision of the Constitution. It was a group of historical republicans that united around Prudente de Morais. The inaugural manifesto of the Dissident Republican Party of São Paulo, dated September 3, 1901, was signed by Cerqueira César, Júlio de Mesquita, Adolfo Gordo, Alberto Sales, the president's brother, and Manuel de Morais Barros, among others; Supported by Campos Sales, Rodrigues Alves was elected President of the Republic on March 1 and took office on November 15, 1902. Vice President Silviano Brandão died before taking office and, after many negotiations, was replaced by Afonso Pena, from Minas Gerais. José Maria da Silva Paranhos Júnior, the Baron of Rio Branco, was invited to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, who, after many refusals, accepted the post. For the Treasury, the nominee was the historic republican Leopoldo Bulhões. José Joaquim Seabra, from Bahia, was responsible for the Interior and Justice portfolio, and Lauro Müller, for Transport, Industry and Public Works. The Minister of War was General Francisco de Paula Argolo and the Minister of the Navy, Admiral Júlio César de Noronha. Although without the status of minister, Pereira Passos, Osvaldo Cruz and Paulo de Frontin were key players in Rodrigues Alves' presidency, the first two in the transformation and sanitation of Rio de Janeiro and Frontin in the remodeling of the port and urbanization of the city; Prudente de Morais pacified the country, Campos Sales promoted financial recovery and Rodrigues Alves was then able to carry out a reformist government plan. His proposal included civil predominance, attention to foreign policy, sanitation of the city of Rio de Janeiro, with the eradication of yellow fever, reurbanization of the city, improvement of the port, expansion of the national railway network, incentive to immigration, with the establishment of foreigners in the field, and a firm financial management to enable the realization of the works plan; The mission of the Baron of Rio Branco in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs began with the question of fixing the borders, resolved through negotiations. It began with the question of Acre, a region of rubber plantations that, by the Treaty of Limits of 1867, legally belonged to Bolivia, but had been populated by Brazilians, being the only access to the rivers of the Amazon system belonging to Brazil. A rebellion took place when the Republic of Acre was proclaimed by Luiz Galvez Rodrigues de Arias, demanding the annexation of the territory to Brazil. Arias ended up expelled by the armed forces of both countries. A new rebellion took place in 1902, when the Bolivian government leased the area to the Bolivian Syndicate of New York, and the Brazilians decreed the Independent State of Acre. The issue was resolved by Rio Branco through the Treaty of Petrópolis, signed with Bolivia and Peru. Brazil bought the region, annexing the territory of Acre, and undertook to indemnify the Bolivian Syndicate of New York and to build the Madeira-Mamoré railroad, to enable the outflow of rubber production through the ports of Manaus and Belém; Also, the border issues with Peru, Colombia and Uruguay were resolved in diplomatic negotiations. In the latter case, only in 1909 was the treaty signed by which Brazil ceded to Uruguay the co-sovereignty of the bordering waters of the Mirim lagoon and the Jaguarão river; Another important initiative by Rio Branco was the transformation of the Brazilian legation in Washington into Brazil's first embassy. The US President was Theodore Roosevelt, Joaquim Nabuco was named Brazilian Ambassador, and David E. Thompson came to Brazil as US Ambassador; As for financial management, the government's proposal was to clean up the currency, honor credit and set the exchange rate on the rise, conditions seen as necessary to carry out the work program successfully, which would be largely financed by foreign banks. Minister Leopoldo Bulhões reformed the Treasury and reorganized Banco do Brasil, which became a kind of Central Bank, with the task of regulating exchange rates; Rio de Janeiro, the country's capital, was an unhealthy city. Narrow streets, alleys and lack of hygiene favored the transmission of diseases. Epidemics of smallpox, yellow fever and bubonic plague occurred and affected the low-income population, whose housing conditions were precarious, in greater numbers. The conditions in the city made it difficult for immigrants to come and drove away visitors. Rodrigues Alves put into practice a project to improve the port of Rio de Janeiro, to reurbanize the center and to clean up the city, using important collaborators for this; For the improvement of the port, it relied on the efficiency of the Minister of Transport Lauro Müller. In the port of Rio de Janeiro, only ships with a small draft could dock. Passengers boarded at Prainha (Praça Mauá) or at the Pharoux pier (Largo do Paço). Rodrigues Alves gave priority to reforming the port, which required other works, such as the opening of Avenida Central and Avenida do Mangue, necessary for the transport of goods. To carry out the project, a loan was obtained from the Rothschild Bank in London. The work would be delivered in 1910; To coordinate the process of urban reformulation, he appointed the engineer Francisco Pereira Passos to the Federal District City Hall. The opening of Avenida Central, today Avenida Rio Branco, marked the beginning of the remodeling of Rio de Janeiro, in a process that knocked down tenements and simpler housing and expelled the poorest population from the area, which led to popular revolt. Streets in the center were widened and the Castelo and Senado hills were demolished to make way for new roads. The water supply, the renovation of the sewerage network and the expansion of public lighting were taken care of. As a result, uses and customs have become; Osvaldo Cruz, a physician and public health specialist, was appointed head of the National Department of Public Health, with the mission of improving the city's sanitary conditions. In November 1904, he promoted a mandatory vaccination campaign against smallpox that triggered a violent reaction – the so-called Vaccine Revolt – due to the authoritarian way in which it was carried out, given that health agents invaded houses and vaccinated people by force. Demonstrations and conflicts spread through the streets of the city, people destroyed trams and threw stones at public buildings. On November 16, 1904, Rodrigues Alves revoked the mandatory vaccination law, putting the Army, Navy and police on the streets to end the riots. Order returned to the city in a few days; In 1906, the III Pan-American Conference took place in Rio de Janeiro. The Brazilian delegation was headed by Joaquim Nabuco and was attended by the US Secretary of State, Elihu Root. The results of the conference were small, the greatest achievement being the formation of a commission of jurists to undertake the codification of international law; In the second half of his government, Rodrigues Alves faced a serious economic crisis resulting from the overproduction of coffee, which led to a drop in prices of the main product in the export basket. Politicians from the states of São Paulo, Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro, committed to adopting a policy of valuing coffee, proposed the Taubaté Agreement, which implied a financial policy of issuing paper and lowering the exchange rate, which required the federal government participation. They also proposed the creation of the Conversion Box, a mechanism to legally fix the exchange rate in order to avoid sudden fluctuations, harmful to exporters; Rodrigues Alves did not accept these measures, which went against the policy adopted, making it difficult to pay the loans taken out abroad to pay for the works carried out by the government. As the presidential term would end shortly, he adopted a political solution and ordered Congress to decide the issue. His decision not to support the agreement caused the discontent of his fellow countrymen, but made his political orientation clear: as president, he had to serve the interests of the country, even if they contradicted regional interests, even those of his state; Rodrigues Alves' government of modernizing conquests came to an end in 1906, and the succession was troubled. Its candidate was also from São Paulo and historical republican Bernardino de Campos. However, the gaucho senator Pinheiro Machado sponsored the candidacy of Afonso Pena from Minas Gerais, with Nilo Peçanha, then president of Rio de Janeiro, as his vice-president. Pinheiro Machado had previously tried to impose the Campos Sales name. Elected in March, Afonso Pena took office on November 15; Rodrigues Alves left the government without political force, despite being applauded, and returned to Guaratinguetá. In 1907, disconnected from any public function, he traveled to Europe with sons and daughters. It was the only trip he took abroad. For five years he would stay away from public office, but not from political life. Already back from Europe, his name began to be considered for the government of São Paulo. In 1909, Afonso Pena died, and the presidential quadrennium was completed by Nilo Peçanha. For the following period, the candidacies of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca and Rui Barbosa were put forward, which triggered the Civilist Campaign. After the election was held in March 1910, Rui Barbosa was defeated, despite having received, in São Paulo, the support of the group of former dissidents and the newspaper O Estado de S. Paulo; Also in 1909, the president of the state of São Paulo, Albuquerque Lins, handed over the government to the deputy, Fernando Prestes. For the following period, the names of Fernando Prestes, supported by Jorge Tibiriçá, and Olavo Egídio de Sousa Aranha, proposed by the former dissidents with the support of Albuquerque Lins, were considered. The final choice fell on Rodrigues Alves, who accepted the nomination. He was elected on March 1, 1912, with Carlos Guimarães, a politician linked to dissidence, as vice-president; One of the first issues faced by the new government concerned the defense of São Paulo coffee stored in New York as a guarantee for loans related to the Taubaté Agreement's valorization plan. The stock was threatened with seizure by the US government, which was pressing for a drop in the price of the product, given that an increase should occur with the projected collection of a special tax on coffee. There was a threat of retaliation against Brazil on customs duties. After difficult negotiations, the solution found was the sale of the stock stored in New York within six months. The prices would be those agreed in the Taubaté Agreement. The stock was sold commercially to US cities and not at auctions. Rodrigues Alves, who was against the Taubaté Convention when President of the Republic, was obliged to defend it as President of the State of São Paulo; One of the works of his government was the construction of the bridge over the Tietê River in Barra Bonita. Restoration of the Caminho do Mar highway, later called the Vergueiro road, began. The Cabinet of Investigations and Captures created in 1910 was reorganized, and the Civil Police of São Paulo was modernized and re-equipped. The Faculty of Medicine and Surgery of São Paulo was established, with physician Arnaldo Vieira de Carvalho as its director. The first classes were given in 1913. Later, in 1925, the institution had its name changed to Faculdade de Medicina de São Paulo and in 1934 it was incorporated into the newly created University of São Paulo; Rodrigues Alves' physical state made him take a leave of absence for treatment, and the government passed to Vice-President Carlos Guimarães on October 11, 1913. Withdrawn from the government, he followed national and international events in the newspapers and through conversations with visitors. When World War I broke out, on August 14, 1914, he immediately wrote to Carlos Guimarães and recommended cutting expenses, predicting that credit to São Paulo would become more difficult. Only on November 4, 1915 did he reassume the post; The President of the Republic, since November 1914, was Venceslau Brás, and the vice-president was the Maranhão politician Urbano Santos. The choice of Venceslau resulted from a difficult process, given that São Paulo did not accept the name of Pinheiro Machado. Campos Sales was remembered, but he was not accepted, and he died in 1913. Venceslau Brás supported the constitutional revision project that defended the election of the president by Congress and the control of state external loans. Rodrigues Alves was firmly opposed to the reform, finding it inopportune and considering that the president already had the necessary resources to exercise the government; During the Venceslau Brás government, the second São Paulo dissidence took place. The succession of the president of the state of São Paulo was already agreed around the name of Rubião Júnior. Rubião died, and the group of former dissidents did not accept the nomination of Altino Arantes as a candidate; proposed postponing the convention until a consensus name was found. The proposal was not accepted, triggering the second dissent; One of the outstanding events of 1915 was the assassination of Senator Pinheiro Machado, Rio Grande do Sul leader and historical republican, creator of the Conservative Republican Party, with great influence in all presidential successions. Pinheiro Machado was stabbed in the back by Francisco Manso Paiva, at the door of the Hotel dos Estrangeiros, in Rio de Janeiro, on September 8; Rodrigues Alves' term as president of São Paulo ended in 1916, and his replacement was Altino Arantes. Again, the former president returned to Guaratinguetá. He was soon sought out to join the PRP steering committee, which was composed as follows: Rodrigues Alves (president), Jorge Tibiriçá, Albuquerque Lins, Pádua Sales, Carlos de Campos, Lacerda Franco, Fernando Prestes, Olavo Egídio and Rodolfo Miranda; With the death of Senator Francisco Glicério, Rodrigues Alves was invited to run as a candidate in the election held on November 20, 1916 to fill the vacancy in the São Paulo representation. He rarely attended the Senate, but was present at the session of October 26, 1917, in which the state of war with Germany was unanimously approved. He resigned from the mandate when he was nominated to be a candidate for President of the Republic, and his vacancy was taken by Álvaro de Carvalho; When nominations for the presidency of the Republic were discussed, the name of Rodrigues Alves was always remembered. In this process, the second dissent ended, as the situationists and dissidents understood that only together did São Paulo politics be able to support Rodrigues Alves as a presidential candidate. The PRP steering committee was then restructured and two ex-dissidents took their place, Adolfo Gordo and Cesário Bastos. The party convention, on June 7, 1917, designated Rodrigues Alves as a candidate for the presidency and Delfim Moreira, from Minas Gerais, as a candidate for vice-president. Both were elected on March 1, 1918; From the end of 1917, Rodrigues Alves' health declined. In November 1918, the terrible Spanish flu epidemic hit Brazil, causing countless deaths. The president, already in poor health, came down with the flu and was unable to take office on November 15. Vice-president Delfim Moreira took over his place, with the ministry composed of the president-elect; Rodrigues Alves died on January 16, 1919. According to the constitutional precept, new elections were called for April 13 of that year. Epitácio Pessoa, from Paraíba, was elected, reaping the laurels of his performance as head of the Brazilian delegation at the Versailles Conference, which established the conditions for peace after the First World War. Epitacio was still in France when the presidential election took place; Throughout his life Rodrigues Alves practiced political journalism. When he was a student, he collaborated with the newspapers Imprensa Acadómica and Opinião Conservadora, the latter directed by João Mendes de Almeida. The Conservative Union, a dissident wing formed by Antônio Prado within the Conservative Party, had as its organ the newspaper Correio Paulistano, where he wrote frequently. Already in the republican period, he collaborated assiduously in the newspaper O Debate, an unofficial government organ. In Correio Paulistano, some unsigned articles are attributed to him by his biographer Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco. Journalism was for Rodrigues Alves an instrument of political action; He did not publish books while he was alive, but left handwritten notebooks and political articles published in newspapers. In the annals of the São Paulo and federal legislatures, one can find the presidential messages sent each year of his government, as president of the state of São Paulo and of the Republic, as well as the speeches given in the different houses; The Rodrigues Alves family had a great participation in São Paulo politics in the last years of the Empire and in the First Republic. Among his children, José de Paula Rodrigues Alves was an ambassador, Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves Filho was a federal deputy, and Oscar Rodrigues Alves was a constituent of 1934. His daughter Maria married Álvaro Augusto da Costa Carvalho, who was state secretary of Agriculture, councilor, state deputy, federal deputy and senator for São Paulo. Joaquim José Cardoso de Melo Neto, married with another daughter, Celina, was governor and intervenor in São Paulo (1937-1938). Later, his great-nephew Carlos Alberto Alves de Carvalho Pinto was also Finance and Finance Secretary in São Paulo, state governor (1959-1963), finance minister in João Goulart’s government (1963) and senator (1967-1975); Surely a must have in the PM list

Francisco Campos - Yes. - 48

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149

Paulo de Frontin -

Hermes da Fonseca - Yes. - Conservative - Hermes Rodrigues da Fonseca was born in São Gabriel (RS) on May 12, 1855, the son of Hermes Ernesto da Fonseca and Rita Rodrigues Barbosa. His father was in the military and became a marshal of the Army; linked to the Conservative Party of the Empire, he was president of the province of Mato Grosso and, in the Republic, governor of Bahia in 1890. Several of his uncles were also military and played a prominent role: Manuel Deodoro da Fonseca, also a marshal, was the proclaimer Republic on November 15, 1889 and the first president of Brazil, until 1891; João Severiano da Fonseca became a general, was a doctor, is considered a patron of the Army Health Service, and was also a constituent senator for the Federal District from 1890 to 1891; Pedro Paulino da Fonseca retired as a lieutenant, but received the rank of honorary colonel and was governor of Alagoas from 1889 to 1890 and senator from 1891 to 1893. His cousin Clodoaldo da Fonseca, son of the latter, also a soldier, was governor of Alagoas from 1912 to 1915; When his father went to war against Paraguay (1865-1870), he moved with his family to Rio de Janeiro. Educated until then at home, he entered the Saint Louis College in 1866, but in the same year he was expelled for indiscipline. He then went on to study at the Imperial Colégio de Pedro II and at the night course at the Lyceum of Arts and Crafts. In 1871 he obtained a bachelor's degree in science and letters and, on September 20, he was enlisted in the 1st Artillery Battalion. On October 19, he enrolled at the Military School of Brazil, in Praia Vermelha, where he was a student of Benjamin Constant, one of the promoters of positivist philosophy in Brazil, which influenced his intellectual formation. He completed the infantry and cavalry course in 1876, being promoted to second lieutenant on June 13 of the same year. According to Freemasonry records, on October 6, it was initiated at the Ganganelli Lodge in Rio, then under the jurisdiction of the Grande Oriente Unido − to which Joaquim Saldanha Marinho, one of the signatories of the 1870 Republican Manifesto was linked −, but which would end up being incorporated in 1883 to the Grand Orient of Brazil. Later, he would become an effective member of the Amor ao Trabalho Lodge and a free member of the 2nd of December Lodge, also in Rio de Janeiro; In 1877 he married Orsina Francioni da Fonseca, his cousin, daughter of Pedro Paulino. In 1878 he finished the artillery course. Promoted to first lieutenant on January 18, 1879, he began to work as aide-de-camp to his father, then commander of arms in the province of Pará. Back in Rio de Janeiro in the same year, he took command of the 1st Battery of the 2nd Artillery Regiment. He then served as assistant to the Count of Eu, son-in-law of Dom Pedro II and general commander of the artillery of the Imperial Army. He became captain on July 30, 1881. At the end of the 1880s, he participated mainly as a liaison with Deodoro da Fonseca, in the political-military articulations that resulted, on November 15, 1889, in the deposition of the Brazilian monarchy and the installation of the provisional government of the Republic, under the leadership of Deodoro himself. Immediately, his father, the main military commander in Bahia, tried to defend the monarchical regime, but soon joined the Republic, taking over the government of the state; Due to his kinship with Deodoro, of whom he became military secretary, Hermes da Fonseca found himself at the center of one of the first political crises of the new regime. In the first days of January 1890, Deodoro announced to his government colleagues that he intended to carry out generalized promotions in the armed forces, but he met with opposition from Benjamin Constant, Minister of War. The divergence extended to the respective areas of influence, which reached many government posts. In the meantime, Deodoro has had serious health problems for some time now, which his doctor related to the impasse in the case of promotions. Fearing that the situation would generate instability in the regime, still in implementation, Benjamin Constant withdrew, and, as a reward for services rendered to the Republic, officials linked to both were widely benefited. Among them was Hermes da Fonseca, who was promoted to major on 7 January. On October 8, still in 1890, he reached the rank of lieutenant colonel, taking command of the 2nd Regiment of Field Artillery, in Rio de Janeiro. The following month, the National Constituent Assembly would be installed, on February 24, 1891, the first republican Constitution would be promulgated, and the following day Deodoro would be indirectly elected constitutional president of the Republic; Suffering challenges in the political area and in the barracks and with support problems in important states such as Minas Gerais and São Paulo, on November 3, 1891 Deodoro closed the National Congress, hoping to reverse the situation. The following day, he declared a state of siege in the Federal District and Niterói. In a manifesto to Brazilians, he explained his attitude, arguing the need to rectify the Constitution, mainly to strengthen the powers of the Executive of the Union. In this regard, he called for elections of deputies for the new constituent Congress. In response, Congress launched, on the same day and signed by 114 parliamentarians, including deputies and senators, the Manifesto to the Brazilian Nation, denouncing the violence of the government; Of the governors, only Lauro Sodré, from Pará, publicly demonstrated against the coup the following day. A short time later, however, resistance was structured in several states, in military sectors and in the union milieu of Santos (SP) and the federal capital. The vice-president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, participated in meetings with the opposition. Finally, on the 21st of November, the railroad workers launched a strike in Rio de Janeiro, while preparations were being concluded for the military action that began in the early hours of the 23rd: the revolt of Navy units anchored in Guanabara Bay, supported by army contingents. in land. Sick, Deodoro still sketched a reaction, but ended up resigning that same morning. Vice President Floriano Peixoto was picked up at home to receive the post of President of the Republic; On February 20 of the following year, 1892, Hermes da Fonseca was arrested, together with Captain Clodoaldo da Fonseca, his cousin, for demonstrating against the deposition of the governor of Amazonas, in the course of the reprisals that the new president imposed on the political forces that had supported Deodoro's coup. Overcoming the episode, he assumed the position of director of the Arsenal de Guerra da Bahia, which he held until September 1893, when he was transferred to command the garrison of Niterói. On the occasion of the Revolta da Armada – a movement supported by sectors of the Navy against Floriano Peixoto between September 1893 and March 1894 −, he stood out in Niterói, where some of the most violent combats took place, in defense of the government that had arrested him. Promoted to colonel in March 1894, until 1896 he commanded the 2nd Regiment of Mounted Artillery, in the federal capital; During the management of Vice President Manuel Vitorino (November 10, 1896 to March 4, 1897), who replaced President Prudente de Morais (1894-1898), who was ill, he was appointed, still in 1896, head of the Military House of the Presidency of the Republic, which put him in contact with the national political milieu. As such, in 1897 he joined the drafting committee of the first regulation of the General Staff of the Army, created on October 24 of the previous year as a measure of operational and administrative modernization of the military force. With the return of Prudente de Morais to the presidency, he returned to command of the 2nd Regiment of Mounted Artillery. He suppressed, on May 26, 1897, a rebellion by students of the Military School against the president, whom they accused of being against the military and complacent with the sertanejos of Canudos, against whom the federal government waged, in 1896 and 1897, a war of extermination; In 1899, he became commander of the Rio de Janeiro Police Brigade. Promoted to brigadier general on July 13, 1900, in 1904 he assumed command of the Preparatory and Tactical School of Realengo, whose teaching plan would become more focused on military practice, reversing the trend towards scientific orientation. In November, he repressed student participation in the movement that would become known as the Vaccine Revolt. Unleashed in the city of Rio de Janeiro by the imposition, by the federal government, of the mandatory vaccine against smallpox, the rebellion catalyzed other tensions, involving popular and military sectors of various ranks. Immediately, the government suspended the mandatory vaccine and declared a state of siege, but after containing the rebellion, causing deaths, injuries and arrests, it resumed vaccination, which managed to eradicate the disease in the city; A division general since July 24, 1905, he became, in that year, commander of the 4th Military District, based in the federal capital and with jurisdiction over the states of Rio de Janeiro, Espírito Santo, Minas Gerais and Goiás. As commander of the district he promoted, still in 1905, great maneuvers of the Army. In command of a division composed of artillery, cavalry, and infantry elements, he conducted exercises in Santa Cruz from 16 September to 8 October. In a balance made in the report he sent to the Minister of War, General Francisco de Paula Argolo, he concluded that the maneuvers had highlighted the state of material precariousness in which the troop operated: uniforms, tents, food and available equipment were insufficient and of poor quality. the human material presented problems, especially in the simulated combats: indecisive soldiers, incompetent command, waste of ammunition, etc. The Army therefore needed profound reforms to enable it to effectively fulfill its military purposes; Hermes da Fonseca was promoted to Marshal on November 6, 1906. With Afonso Pena taking office as President of the Republic on the following 15th, he was appointed Minister of War, replacing General Argolo. Given his commitment to the modernization of the 4th Military District, the appointment was consistent with the concerns that the new president announced with industrialization and the country's military strengthening; Taking advantage of the experience in the previous command, his management would be characterized by modernizing initiatives of the national Army. South American countries such as Argentina, Bolivia and Chile had been promoting doctrinal and organizational reforms in their armed forces for some time. In Brazil itself, since the 19th century, albeit discontinuously, proposals of a similar content have been made, highlighting those formulated by João Nepomuceno de Medeiros Mallet, Minister of War from 1898 to 1902; Hermes sought, therefore, to tune the Brazilian Army with the most modern trends in the international military plan. He strengthened diplomatic relations with Germany with the intention of adopting in Brazil the military training model of that country, then considered to be exemplary. The War Budget Act of 1906 authorized officers to travel to Europe to improve their military skills. At the suggestion of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, José Maria da Silva Paranhos Júnior, baron of Rio Branco, a group of officers went to Germany in 1906 and two others would travel there in 1908 and 1910. In Brazil, they would become champions of the modernization of the Army according to the German model and would receive the nickname of “young Turks”, by association with supporters of Mustafa Kemal who, after a similar stage, returned to Turkey to carry out reforms in the State and in the armed forces; Having reiterated, in the 1907 War Ministry report, his pessimistic view of the Army's operating conditions, he traveled to Germany the following year, invited by Emperor Wilhelm II to watch maneuvers by his country's Army. On the occasion, he agreed to hire a German military mission to supervise the reorganization of the Brazilian Army, which, however, would not materialize. The contacts would have effective results in the armaments sector, with the assertion of the German company Krupp as the main supplier of artillery equipment; On December 10, 1908, he became Minister of the Supreme Military Court, a post he would accumulate with the War portfolio. On May 27, 1909, he left office to run for President of the Republic, being replaced by General Luís Mendes de Morais. The balance of his management at the head of the Ministry of War indicates that the concern with the modernization of the Army produced some results. Immediately, however, among the measures of general scope, only the deployment of large permanent units – strategic brigades, later renamed infantry and cavalry divisions – and the policy of acquiring weapons materialized. Resistance coming from the military environment itself and from the political area, sensitive to the financial costs of the reforms, made some measures unfeasible and delayed the execution of others. The reform of the General Staff of the Army would take almost ten years to complete. The Obligatory Military Service Law (1908), which regulated enlistment and implemented the military lottery, in addition to establishing the general bases for reorganizing the Army, would only actually come into force, in the part referring to conscription, in 1916; Regarded at the time as the most prestigious and popular military leader, Hermes da Fonseca had his name launched by young officers and civilians to succeed Afonso Pena, in turn committed to the candidacy of Davi Campista, his finance minister, who, however, encountered much resistance in the political milieu. In the face of strong restrictions on his name, derived from his military status, he sent the president a letter in which he denied that he was a candidate, but maintained that the military had the right to aspire to the presidency of the Republic. Other letters were sent to the baron of Rio Branco and to Rui Barbosa – a prominent Bahian jurist and senator and also a potential candidate −, consulting them about the suitability of the candidacy. From the first he got no reply; of the second, a public denial, put in terms of conflict between civil power and military forces; His name was officially launched, as an opposition candidate, at a convention of senators and deputies organized on May 22, 1909 by the Rio Grande do Sul senator José Gomes Pinheiro Machado, one of the most influential politicians of the moment and to whom, in 1906, he had been godfather in a duel. with Edmundo Bittencourt, owner of the Rio de Janeiro newspaper Correio da Manhã. The announcement of the candidacy, supported by the situationist majorities in several states, was received with enthusiasm in military and civil circles, with the explicit support of the Popular Club of Rio de Janeiro and the students of the Faculty of Law of São Paulo; Faced with the withdrawal of Davi Campista, Rui Barbosa emerged in August as his opponent, sponsored by the dominant political groups in the states of São Paulo, Bahia and Rio de Janeiro and part of Minas Gerais situationism. With the death of Afonso Pena, on June 14, 1909, and the inauguration of Vice President Nilo Peçanha, an ally of Pinheiro Machado, the candidacy of Hermes da Fonseca became situationist, benefiting from the support of the federal machine. His electoral platform placed great emphasis on the need to act against state situationalism in order to renew political cadres and eliminate corruption in the country, a goal he expressed in the adoption of the broom as a campaign symbol. Rui Barbosa, in turn, structured his campaign, which he called civilist, around the fight against militarism, to which he associated his opponent; The electoral competition that took place between the two candidates marked a turning point in Brazilian political history, thanks, in particular, to the methods used by Rui Barbosa, who had Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins, then president of the state of São Paulo, as a candidate the vice president. While Hermes relied on military prestige and on the electoral devices of many states, especially Minas Gerais, which had given him the vice-presidential candidate, Venceslau Brás, the Civilist Campaign exhibited a diverse profile, reflecting changes in the composition of the electorate, whose share urban grew. Civilists organized caravans that traveled across the country, holding rallies and demonstrations in streets and public squares. A style of campaign then known as “American” was inaugurated in Brazil, different from the predominant one until then, restricted to agreements closed between heads of political machines. After the election was held on March 1, 1910, which was also marked by reciprocal accusations of fraud, the polls gave victory to Hermes da Fonseca, with 403,867 votes, against 222,822 votes received by Rui Barbosa; In the month following the election, Hermes traveled to Europe, visiting Portugal, England and Switzerland. In France, where he stayed for two months, he visited military installations, factories and universities. At the time, he was the target of an intense campaign by various sectors of society, committed to convincing him to prefer France to Germany for military instruction agreements and the sale of military equipment to Brazil. On July 23, he arrived in Germany, again at the invitation of Emperor Wilhelm II, this time to visit Army installations and watch major military maneuvers in Tempelhoff, the historic center of concentration of Prussian troops. During his entire stay in Europe, although he always stressed that his trip had no official character, he was pressured by the press to manifest himself in favor of military assistance contracts with one of the two countries; Back in Brazil in October, he received from Loja Amor ao Trabalho, on November 7, the title of redeemed member. In the session that took place in his honor, he announced great concern for the working class, promising to direct housing and education policies to them. He was probably the first elected president in Brazil to mention the subject in a political speech; In power, he formed a political circle whose core was the military and members of dominant state groups. Family members of his would also play an important political role: his brother Marshal Fonseca Hermes was deputy and leader of the majority in the Chamber; his son Lieutenant Mário Hermes was his adjutant and later deputy for Bahia; General Percílio da Fonseca was head of the Casa Militar; José Olímpio da Fonseca was commander of the 1st Brigade; One of his first acts as president was to visit the Federal Supreme Court, two days after taking office. On the occasion, a member of his entourage asked that it be recorded in the minutes that it was the first time that a President of the Republic visited that court; In the first week of the new government, on the 22nd, a mutiny broke out among sailors from several vessels anchored in Guanabara Bay, including the battleships Minas Gerais and São Paulo, the most powerful units of the Brazilian fleet. Under the leadership of sailor João Cândido Felisberto, the Revolta da Chibata, as it would become known, aimed to end physical punishment in the Navy − although legally abolished in the early days of the Republic, it continued to be practiced on decks −, better working conditions and access to to the rights of citizens. The bargaining power of the sailors, who also demanded amnesty, was constituted by their ability, once they assumed command of the vessels, to bomb the city and the ships whose crews did not adhere to the movement. On the 26th, the government announced that it had accepted the demands of the mutineers, decreeing the end of physical punishment and granting amnesty to those who surrendered. However, repressive measures were taken against the sailors of the Naval Battalion, on the island of Cobras, who would rise up on December 9th. The government would bomb the island, killing hundreds of sailors. Many others would die in prison or in exile in the northern rubber plantations, to which they would be condemned; The government of Hermes da Fonseca would be characterized by the “policy of salvations”, which, under the pretext of defending the purity of republican institutions, sought to replace, through electoral maneuvers or the use of military force, the groups in power in the states by others, from their confidence, many of them military. Such an orientation, which did not imply modifying the economic and social order of the states, would lead him to frequent clashes with Pinheiro Machado, allied with state political forces whose positions he intended to preserve. Among the numerous conflicts triggered by federal interventionism in the states, the one registered in Ceará from December 1913 stands out. Traditional groups displaced from power, supported by Pinheiro Machado, allied themselves with an extremely popular religious leader, Father Cícero Romão Batista, and, after violent clashes, managed to regain state power in March 1914. Successful, at first, in most states in the North/Northeast, the “policy of salvations” did not shake the situationists in the most powerful states, such as Minas Gerais, Sao Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul; Politically important officials were divided over the Army's intervention in Ceará politics. The crisis, which involved the Military Club − critical of the connection between the military and state politicians −, the press and opposition sectors, would eventually lead the federal government, on March 4, to decree a state of siege in the Federal District and Niterói. There followed the arrest of officers, including three generals, and several civilians, and the closure of newspapers. Initially valid until March 31, the state of siege would be extended until April 30 and then October 30, 1914; Still in 1912, the government was faced with an armed movement of a popular nature in a territorial area disputed by the states of Santa Catarina and Paraná, known as Contestado. Rich in wood and yerba mate, the area was the scene of intense disputes over land ownership, aggravated by the presence of foreign capital and the widespread poverty that affected rural workers. These, organized into a messianic religious community, aroused the fear of large rural landowners, who would mobilize state repression against them. The difficulty encountered in defeating them would lead to the intervention of the Army, which would test the modernizing measures adopted until then in the field. After successive and bloody battles, the repressive forces would only subdue the sertanejos definitively in 1916; In the midst of growing union mobilizations in Rio de Janeiro, also in 1912, Hermes da Fonseca took an unprecedented initiative in Brazilian politics until that moment, tending, preferably, to the repression of the union movement: he sponsored the realization, in Rio de Janeiro, of the IV Brazilian Workers Congress. Organized by his son, the then-deputy Mário Hermes, the event was viewed with distrust by most of the workers' leaders, who associated him with the “yellow” trade union current, which defended cooperation with the State. The 187 registered delegates were transported on Lloyd Brasileiro ships – a company in the process of being incorporated into the State – or had train tickets paid by the government, which also provided the Monroe Palace for the meetings, held from November 7th to 15th. On that occasion, it was decided to create the Brazilian Confederation of Work, with Mário Hermes elected as its honorary president. Hermes da Fonseca, fulfilling what he had promised during the homage he received from Freemasonry, invested in housing for workers, building villas in a suburban area of Rio de Janeiro that would be named after him, and in Gávea, a neighborhood in the South Zone of the city; The public works program was, moreover, one of the factors in the large increase in government spending during his administration. In addition to the working-class villages, the expansion of the railway network can be mentioned, with emphasis on the completion of the Madeira-Mamoré railway; the creation of technical-professional schools, according to a program initiated in the previous government; the installation of the University of Paraná, current Federal University of Paraná; the conclusion of the reform of Vila Militar and Hospital Central do Aeroporto, both in Rio de Janeiro. The resumption of external debt amortization, frozen since the funding loan – renegotiation of the external debt − practiced by President Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales (1898-1902), contributed strongly to putting pressure on government accounts; Hermes da Fonseca was able, during his first two years in government, to manage the public deficit without major problems, thanks to the favorable moment experienced by the Brazilian economy. The growth of coffee and rubber exports between 1909 and 1912 combined with a strong inflow of foreign capital to give the government room for maneuver in the face of budget imbalance. However, changes in the international scenario, some of which would lead to the European war of 1914-1918, crucially affected Brazilian exports from 1912 onwards. Competition from Asian production broke the Brazilian rubber monopoly, while the Balkan War (1912) and the world economic crisis of 1913 shook the coffee market, lowering prices and levels of consumption. On the other hand, as the war loomed, imports grew, making the Brazilian trade balance in deficit, which in recent years had been accumulating positive balances; Easy until the crisis began, obtaining capital abroad became problematic. As European countries prepared for war, the capital in the area was strongly withdrawn, making it difficult to issue Brazilian bonds. The Brazilian government's foreseeable difficulties in continuing to pay the foreign debt generated pressure from international creditors. In the second half of 1913, the government began negotiations aimed at renegotiating the debt. After tortuous negotiations with the syndicate of foreign creditors, an agreement was reached to restructure debt amortization and service. On July 27, 1914, negotiations were interrupted, given the imminence of the outbreak of war, which actually started the next day. On August 1st, the payment of the external debt service was suspended. In the same month, in view of the reflections of the problems in the external sector of the economy on the exchange rate, increasing the demand for foreign currency, the government determined the closing of the exchange operations of the Caixa de Conversão, created in 1906 precisely to manage the power of exchange of Brazilian currency in international trade. The following month, a new funding loan was agreed, with a clause prohibiting new foreign loans for three years and future income from Brazilian customs as a guarantee; In the military area, Hermes da Fonseca was unable to put the 1908 enlistment law into practice. In the balance he made at the end of his government, he explained that there were points in the law that needed to be modified, which was the competence of the National Congress. The first referred to the periods for setting the contingents in each state and determining the days for drawing lots and incorporating those drawn, which should be set for dates subsequent to the annual vote on the effective budget of the ground forces. The second, the division of the national territory into 13 inspection regions, a number that he proposed to reduce in order to better adapt the organization to the geographic reality of each state. In concrete terms, he inaugurated the Escola Brasileira de Aviação in February 1913, when 35 officers, midshipmen and minors from the Army enrolled, as well as officers and enlisted men from the Navy. The course at the Naval Academy was reformed, with the merger of officers and engineers, and the Naval War College was created, intended to train officers for the high command; In the last year of his government, having widowed Orsina da Fonseca, he married, on December 8, 1913, Nair de Tefé von Hoonholtz, daughter of the Admiral of Tefé, a well-known caricaturist and considered a woman of advanced customs for the time; Transmitted, on November 15, 1914, the presidential office to Venceslau Brás, elected on March 1, Hermes da Fonseca retired to Petrópolis, where his parents-in-law resided. At the end of June of the following year, he had his name articulated by Pinheiro Machado, along with the Rio-Grandense Republican Party, for the vacancy in the Federal Senate opened by the resignation of Joaquim Assunção. Although the nomination generated significant resistance within the party, his name emerged victorious in the election held in August. Before he took office, however, Pinheiro Machado was assassinated, at the same time that demonstrations against his name intensified. Claiming bitterness at the way he was being treated, he gave up his mandate on the day of graduation, in September 1915, and traveled to Germany the following month; He lived in Switzerland until October 1920, when he returned to Brazil. When he disembarked, on November 4, he was welcomed by representatives of the Ministry of War, by the Chiefs of Staff of the Army and Navy, by delegations from the National Congress, the STF and the Clube de Engenharia, among others, who they gave a feast. In December, he had his name released by officers to succeed General Crispim Ferreira as president of the Military Club, a position he would take office in May of the following year; The electoral campaign for the succession of President Epitácio Pessoa (1919-1922) was then in progress. Artur Bernardes, from the Minas Gerais Republican Party, presented himself as a candidate for the Minas Gerais-Sao Paulo axis. Asked by representatives of Bernardes in February 1921 − a month before his candidacy became official − about the possibility of supporting him, he avoided it, claiming that he was not a militant politician. However, he himself was launched as a candidate at a rally held in Rio de Janeiro on May 26. On the occasion, a directory was formed to organize the campaign, composed of generals Camilo Holanda and Francisco Flary, retired marshal Firmino Pires Ferreira – senator for Piauí −, marshal Bento Manuel Ribeiro Carneiro Monteiro – former mayor of the Federal District −, the opposite - Admiral Francisco de Matos and socialist deputies Maurício de Lacerda and Nicanor Nascimento. His candidacy, however, died at birth, because he did not receive politically important support, despite attempts to publicize it made by the directory, which organized banquets and rallies; Finally, in June, dissident politicians from the Minas Gerais-São Paulo axis launched the Republican Reaction movement, around the candidacies of Nilo Peçanha − senator for the state of Rio de Janeiro − and José Joaquim Seabra − president of Bahia − for president and vice president of the Republic. The opposition coalition also received support from dominant groups in Rio Grande do Sul and Pernambuco. His program advocated more attention to economic sectors other than coffee, greater independence for the Legislative from the Executive, reinvigoration of the armed forces, and social policies for the urban population. Among the military, the opposition ticket gained ground, largely due to the wear and tear that President Epitácio Pessoa faced in his relations with the armed forces, mainly because he appointed civilians to the Ministries of War and Navy; The Republican Reaction highlighted the political reality that the Civilist Campaign had already indicated: the progressively greater difficulty that the dominant groups in the main states found in imposing their conveniences in succession processes on representatives of less powerful areas. As in 1910, the urban electorate stood out as a potentially decisive element in the electoral dispute, now in the wake of the impetus that the First World War (1914-1918) had given to industrial activities and the urbanization process in Brazil. The methods adopted by opposition candidates, without neglecting cabinet agreements with dissident political leaders, followed the modern trend, with the holding of large urban rallies; In the middle of the campaign, Hermes da Fonseca found himself at the center of an event that would have important consequences in national political life. On October 11, 1921, Correio da Manhã published a facsimile of a letter in which he was seriously offended, both professionally and personally. Another one followed the next day, this time with insults to Nilo Peçanha. Both were supposedly signed by Artur Bernardes and caused a serious political crisis. As the candidate from Minas Gerais denied any relationship with the documents, even hiring experts to verify their authenticity, members of the Military Club mobilized to examine them, concluding that they were false, an opinion endorsed by Hermes da Fonseca. Despite this, club members managed to carry out a new investigation which, after many tribulations and crises, declared the letters authentic, although recognizing that the report was not conclusive and, therefore, recommending that the case be definitively closed. But the episode of the “false letters”, as it became known, intensified the feelings of military segments against the situationist candidate, bringing them closer to Nilo Peçanha; In March 1922, Artur Bernardes received 466,877 votes against 317,714 for the Republican Reaction candidate. The result was questioned by the opposition, which demanded a recount of the votes and, at the proposal of the Military Club and Antônio Borges de Medeiros, leader of the PRR, the formation of a court of honor to legitimize it. In May, Hermes da Fonseca, along with other military personnel, asked the STF for habeas corpus not to be obliged to recognize Artur Bernardes' authority, but did not obtain a favorable decision. In the end, in June, the situationist ticket had its victory officially recognized. However, the resistance of the opposition to accepting defeat continued, with popular movements protesting against the election in Pernambuco taking place, which the federal government repressed with army troops. As president of the Military Club, Hermes da Fonseca sent a telegram on June 29 to the federal garrison in the capital of Pernambuco, urging the soldiers not to repress the people. Asked by the President of the Republic about the authorship of the telegram, he assumed it and was arrested on July 2, 1922, at the same time that the club was closed by presidential order. At the time, he suffered a heart attack. After spending the night in the barracks of the 3rd Infantry Regiment, in Praia Vermelha, he was released the next day; As a result of the crisis, the dissatisfaction of military segments, mainly young officers, with the President of the Republic and his elected successor deepened. In some military units of the federal capital, an uprising was articulated with the immediate objective of preventing the inauguration of Artur Bernardes. Hermes da Fonseca was sought out by Lieutenant Aviator Eduardo Gomes, who had a message from his son, Captain Euclides Hermes, commander of Fort Copacabana, informing him that the unit would rebel. He visited Vila Militar at dawn on the 4th, ready to command the students of the Military School of Realengo. The following morning, July 5, soldiers rebelled in Vila Militar, in the Military School of Realengo and in the Fort of Copacabana. A rebel focus also emerged in Mato Grosso, led by General Clodoaldo da Fonseca, his cousin and commander of the 1st Military Circumscription. The federal government repressed the movement, arresting several officials, including, again, Hermes da Fonseca. The episode constituted the first manifestation of tenentismo, which would be repeated, although with other characteristics, in the movement of July 5, 1924 in São Paulo and in the column Miguel Costa-Prestes, in 1925-1927; With the country under a state of siege, requested by Epitácio Pessoa and granted by the National Congress, Artur Bernardes was sworn in on November 15, 1922. On January 6 of the following year, the lawyer Evaristo de Morais filed a request for habeas corpus with the STF in favor of Hermes da Fonseca and other members of the military, alleging that they were all being held without charge and without a warrant from the competent authority, since the crimes they were accused of, typified as military, were, in fact, political. The order was granted, and Hermes, who was sick, was released; Will certainly be in, the period he was president was also quite eventful so we should pay attention on it

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74

Afrânio de Melo Franco - Yes. - Maybe liberal - Afrânio de Melo Franco was born in Paracatu on February 25, 1870, the son of Virgílio Martins de Melo Franco and Ana Leopoldina de Melo Franco. He was a descendant of Francisco de Melo Franco, a renowned writer and doctor who started the family's political and literary tradition, author of the work O Reino da Stupidity, and considered the first Brazilian child care professional. His paternal grandmother, Antônia de Melo Franco, was the sister of Manuel de Melo Franco, one of the leaders of the Liberal Revolution of 1842 in Minas and deputy general in the Empire, as well as his brothers Bernardo and Francisco de Melo Franco. His paternal grandfather, Lieutenant José Martins Ferreira, owned mines that were already in decline in the region of Paracatu. His maternal grandparents, João Crisóstomo Pinto da Fonseca Júnior and Franklina Pimentel Barbosa, belonged to families of political projection in Paracatu, rivals of the Melo Franco family during the Empire. His father was a magistrate in several cities in Minas and Goiás, provincial and general deputy and, in the Republic, state senator in Minas from 1892 to 1923. Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco, his older brother and his son's namesake, was a writer at the school regionalist, author of Pelo sertão and member of the Brazilian Academy of Letters; Afrânio completed his basic studies at Colégio da Conceição, in São João del Rei, and at Colégio Abílio, in Barbacena, municipalities in his home state. In 1887, he entered the Faculty of Law of São Paulo, under the name of Afrânio Camorim Jacaúna de Otingi, following, by imposition of his father, a liberal and Masonic tradition of adopting indigenous names. In college he joined the republican cause, along with his classmate Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada, the future president of Minas. He was also a member of Bucha, a secret student organization that thrived at the São Paulo Law School in the second half of the 19th century and played an important role in São Paulo politics, including during the republican period. The name of the entity came from the corruption of Burschenschaft, a German student corporation; He began his public life in 1890, the first year of the Republic, when, still a student, he held the interim position of prosecutor in Ouro Preto, at the time the capital of Minas. In 1891, he graduated in law and was appointed prosecutor in Queluz, current Conselheiro Lafaiete, by state president José Cesário de Faria Alvim, father of Sílvia Cesário Alvim, whom he would marry two years later. Back in Ouro Preto in 1892, he participated in the foundation of the Faculty of Law of Minas Gerais, together with his father, his brother Afonso Arinos and prominent figures of the Minas Gerais political elite. In 1894, he was removed to the prosecution of Juiz de Fora, being appointed in March of the following year, sectional attorney of the Republic in Minas by President Prudente de Morais; In January 1896, he was appointed secretary of the Brazilian legation in Montevideo, where he served until June of the following year. In this first phase of his diplomatic career, he also served in Brussels, the capital of Belgium, in the last months of 1897. After the position he held was extinguished, he returned to Brazil in 1898, settling as a lawyer in Belo Horizonte, the new capital of Minas Gerais, inaugurated in the previous year; The election of Francisco Sales to the presidency of Minas in 1902 favored Melo Franco's rise in state and national political life. Sales promoted reconciliation with the followers of Cesário Alvim and included Melo Franco in the candidate list of the Republican Party of Minas Gerais, dominant in the state, for the 1902 elections for the State Chamber; As a state deputy, with a mandate between 1903 and 1905, Melo Franco stood out for his work in the constitutional and legislative reform of Minas. The reforms placed the State Justice under the almost absolute dependence of the State Executive Power (contrary to the theses of Melo Franco) and also reduced the autonomy of Minas Gerais municipalities, completing the process of consolidation of the structure of oligarchic domination in the state. During his tenure, Melo Franco also dedicated himself to teaching, as a professor at the Ginásio Mineiro and, from 1904, at the Faculty of Law of Minas Gerais; In 1906, he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies, where he joined the Commission on Diplomacy and Treaties. At the time, the so-called “policy of governors”, introduced in 1900 by President Manuel de Campos Sales, was already fully implemented. Under his aegis, Minas and São Paulo, allies during most of the First Republic, controlled national political life, assuring the federal governments the disciplined support of their benches in Congress and receiving in exchange the guarantee of state autonomy and the right to control the federal appointments in states; In 1909, Melo Franco was re-elected federal deputy, being reappointed to the Commission of Diplomacy. As part of the official Minas Gerais party machine, he supported the victorious candidacy of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca in the 1910 presidential elections. He was practically absent from Congress in 1911, the year he traveled with his family through Europe. Nevertheless, he was re-elected in 1912, starting to act on the Constitution and Justice Commission of the Chamber, where he would position himself several times in the following years against federal interventions in the states, notably in the cases of Ceará (1914), Rio de Janeiro (1916), and Piauí (1920); In the Chamber elected in 1915, Melo Franco was general rapporteur for the project for the Brazilian Civil Code, authored by Clóvis Bevilacqua, sanctioned in January 1916 by President Venceslau Brás. In August 1917, he traveled to La Paz as a representative of Brazil at the inauguration of the President of Bolivia, José Gutierrez Guerra. After the mission, he visited Santiago, Buenos Aires and Montevideo, where he was welcomed by the local governments. In November, shortly after Brazil's entry into the First World War, he drafted the War Law, requested by Venceslau Brás to Congress;

Miguel Costa - Yes. - Miguel Alberto Crispim da Costa Rodrigues was born in Buenos Aires on December 3, 1874, the son of Jaime Costa and Dolores Costa, humble Catalan immigrants; As a child, he moved with his parents to Piracicaba, where he completed his basic studies. Later, he began his military career as a soldier in the São Paulo Public Force. Naturalized Brazilian, he became a cavalry officer of this corporation, modernized in 1920 by a French military mission and with a force almost equal to that of the national army; At that time, along with some colleagues, he began to sympathize with the young officers of the Army and Navy, generically called “tenentes”, who criticized the distortion of the republican political model by the dominant oligarchies and demanded the adoption of the secret ballot and the renewal of national leaders. The contradictions between these military sectors and the political groups in power became more acute at the end of Epitácio Pessoa's presidential term, in 1922. In March of that year, against the will of the majority of officials, Artur Bernardes was elected president of the Republic. Shortly afterwards, Epitácio Pessoa used Army personnel to intervene in the state succession of Pernambuco, receiving harsh criticism from Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, president of the Military Club. In response, on July 2, Epitácio decreed the arrest of the marshal and the closure of the club. Such measures provoked, three days later, the outbreak of an uprising in the Copacabana Fort and in other units headquartered in Rio de Janeiro, then the Federal District, and in the Military Circumscription based in Mato Grosso. Despite being quickly subdued, this movement had profound repercussions in the military, influencing the preparation of other rebellions; Taking office on November 15, 1922, Artur Bernardes governed under a state of siege and intensified repression against all opposition. With the increase in tension, civil and military groups began in early 1923 to prepare an armed movement to depose the president, counting from the beginning with the support of former president Nilo Peçanha and the adhesion of the retired general Isidoro Dias Lopes. The conspiracy did not spread immediately, but gained new impetus the following December, when the officers involved in the 1922 uprising were framed under Article 107 of the Penal Code, which provided for the loss of rank and expulsion from the Army as punishment. Several of them decided to defect and joined the preparations for the uprising. Already in 1924, Isidoro Dias Lopes, Augusto Ximeno de Villeroy and Marshal Odílio Bachelar Randolfo de Melo, all retired, in addition to Majors Bertoldo Klinger and Miguel Costa, were asked to assume leadership of the movement, which was finally handed over to the first on the list; Assigned to the Cavalry Regiment of the Public Force, Miguel Costa actively participated in the preparatory meetings for the uprising, held in private homes, including his own, and in barracks in Jundiaí, Itu and Quitaúna, in the state of São Paulo, with the presence of Newton Estillac Leal, João Francisco Pereira de Sousa, Eduardo Gomes and the brothers Juarez and Joaquim Távora, among other Army and Public Force officers; Miguel Costa provided plans for the barracks and public buildings for Isidoro Dias Lopes and Joaquim Távora to prepare the occupation plan for the capital, presented to the other members of the movement on May 13, 1924. It would be up to Miguel Costa to start operations at the head of the his regiment, which, supported by the 4th Battalion of Caçadores (4th BC), would surround the other units of the Public Force to summon them to join. At that moment, the rebel detachments already had the support of the 2nd Independent Group of Heavy Artillery (2nd GIAP), coming from Quitaúna, and elements of the 4th Infantry Regiment (4th RI). Once military supremacy was guaranteed in the city, the revolutionaries would occupy the government palace, the telegraph office, and the railway stations, then moving two contingents out of the capital. The first would try to occupy the port of Santos or, at least, block the crossing points of the Serra do Mar, and the second would seek to consolidate positions in the Paraíba river valley, making the junction with the 5th and 6th RI, headquartered in Lorena and Caçapava, whose adhesion to the movement was expected. The revolutionaries considered that, if these operations were carried out successfully and in a short period of time, the support of the garrisons based in Paraná, Santa Catarina, Rio Grande do Sul and in the southern region of Minas Gerais would be assured, thus creating favorable conditions. for the offensive towards the Federal District; After five successive postponements, the outbreak of the uprising was set for July 5, 1924, on the initiative of Joaquim Távora and Miguel Costa, who intended to pay homage to the 1922 episode. commander of the 2nd Military Region (2nd RM), Colonel Domingos Quirino Ferreira, commander of the Public Force, and Captain Nataniel Prado, in charge of the Ammunition Department, were imprisoned, while Miguel Costa managed to get almost the entire Public Force to join, and Isidoro Dias Lopes installed the headquarters of the revolutionary command in the headquarters building of that corporation. By nightfall on the 5th, the rebel forces had already occupied the Luz, Sorocabana, Brás and Cantareira stations, as well as the Terminus Hotel; Alerted by the first actions, the state government took measures to resist the rebels, reinforcing its headquarters, secretariat buildings, the headquarters of the 2nd RM and the electricity plant. These initiatives achieved some success and allowed for partial counter-offensives, such as the retaking of the Post and Telegraph building. The fighting spread to various parts of the city, already excavated and entrenched by the fighters, and both sides received reinforcements. Most of the garrisons of Quitaúna, Lorena and Caçapava and the 2nd Group of Mountain Artillery, from Jundiaí, joined the revolt, while the government forces commanded by General Eduardo Sócrates began to count on the support of the 2nd Divisional Cavalry Regiment, from contingents disembarked from the battleship Minas Gerais, personnel from the fort of Itaipus and the Tiro Naval de Santos, in addition to militias from other states; In this way, a decisive element of the original plan failed, which envisaged a fulminant occupation of the capital, freeing up troops to carry out offensive actions and links with allied contingents from other regions. Faced with the new situation created by the presence of strong loyalist strongholds in the urban perimeter of the capital, General Isidoro opted for the withdrawal of the rebel troops towards Jundiaí, headquarters of the 2nd Mountain Artillery Group. This decision provoked friction between the revolutionary leaders, as Miguel Costa defended the opposite position, believing in a favorable outcome for the struggle for control of the city. His point of view prevailed over that of Isidoro, who even considered resigning as head of the movement; Miguel Costa sent an emissary to the government palace to deliver a letter in which he blamed the president of São Paulo, Carlos de Campos, for the revolt in the Public Force and for the consequences of the uprising. The emissary, however, found that the government forces had left the palace in the direction of Moji das Cruzes, where their headquarters were located. Miguel Costa then ordered the immediate advance of a company of the 5th RI on the seat of government, which was finally occupied. After four days of fighting, the rebels consolidated their control over the city. However, this late occupation decisively compromised the entire revolutionary campaign, as it prevented the movement of troops to Santos and the Paraíba valley, as envisaged in the original plan. The detachment embarked on the battleship Minas Gerais already controlled the main port of São Paulo, while the concentration of loyalist troops commanded by General Sócrates in the Paraíba valley prevented the adhesion of Minas Gerais forces considered sympathetic to the revolution. The siege of the capital of São Paulo was completed in the east with the occupation of the São Paulo Railway branch and in the south with the reinforcement of government positions on the Itararé branch. In the interior of the state, regional political leaders such as Ataliba Leonel, Washington Luís and Júlio Prestes constituted the so-called “patriotic battalions”, formed by volunteers loyal to the government; The legalist bombing against the city of São Paulo was intensified, hitting the civilian population hard, especially the residents of the neighborhoods of Mooca, Brás and Belenzinho. Faced with the worsening situation and the multiplication of looting, Isidoro Dias Lopes met with José Carlos de Macedo Soares, president of the Commercial Association of São Paulo, and with Mayor Firmiano Pinto to try to regularize the administration and policing of the city. Macedo Soares became a mediator between the loyalist and rebel forces, but in the following days he was unable to obtain any agreement or the suspension of the bombings against São Paulo. On July 26, planes dropped bulletins over the city asking the population to withdraw from the urban perimeter so that loyalist troops and artillery could act freely against the rebels. Faced with this threat, peace negotiations were intensified, but the impasse continued, as the government remained intransigent in demanding unconditional surrender. Isidoro then decided to order the withdrawal of rebel troops on the night of July 27, as the continuation of resistance, although viable for another ten or 15 days, "would be the ruin of Brazil's economic life". He wrote a manifesto to the population, communicating the decision to “transfer the headquarters of the provisional government and the general command of the liberating forces to the interior”; The retaking of the capital of São Paulo by loyalist troops did not mean the end of the armed struggle in the state, as around three thousand revolutionaries withdrew, preserving their combat capacity. In addition, the reigning discontent in military circles created a situation conducive to the outbreak of revolts in other states; Crossing the western region of the state of São Paulo, the rebels initially headed for Campinas, but changed their route to Itirapina due to the possibility that the government would use the Sorocabana railroad to move its troops. Always on the move, they passed through Bauru, São Manuel, Botucatu, Porto Tibiriçá and arrived at Presidente Epitácio, on the border with Mato Grosso. In that state, they occupied the city of Três Lagoas, where they proclaimed the Republic of Brasilândia. But the arrival of Colonel João Nepomuceno da Costa's loyalist troops forced the rebels to move again towards the western region of Paraná, where they occupied the area located between Catanduvas and Guaíra at the end of September, setting up their headquarters in Salto; Some rebel officers were then sent to Rio Grande do Sul to participate in the articulation of a new uprising, which broke out on October 29 in garrisons based in Uruguaiana, São Borja, São Luís Gonzaga, Santo Ângelo and Alegrete, under the command of by Captain Luís Carlos Prestes. These units, which totaled about two thousand men, started a war of movement in the northwest of Rio Grande do Sul and sought to join the rebel forces from São Paulo. These faced a series of combats with the loyalist forces, which in March 1925 recovered Catanduvas, forcing a new withdrawal of the contingents of Isidoro Dias Lopes; The brigade under the command of Miguel Costa retreated westwards, taking the road that connected Catanduvas to Foz do Iguaçu, where the rebel column from Rio Grande do Sul was also heading. On April 3, 1925, Prestes and Miguel Costa met in the locality of Benjamim Constant and decided to group their forces to move on to the state of Mato Grosso. On the 12th, both met in Foz do Iguaçu with Generals Isidoro and Bernardo Padilha, Colonel Mendes Teixeira and Majors Álvaro Dutra, Demont and Asdrúbal Gwyer de Azevedo. After presenting a pessimistic account of the political-military conditions for the continuation of the struggle, Isidoro suggested that they take the route of exile, but was contested by Prestes and Miguel Costa, defenders of a strategy of war on the move. This point of view prevailed, leading to the union of Rio Grande do Sul and São Paulo forces in the 1st Revolutionary Division, which in the following years would cover large areas of Brazilian territory and would become known as the Miguel Costa-Prestes Column. Isidoro Dias Lopes, then 60 years old, was sent to Argentina because he was too old to participate in the type of fight that would develop; In the reorganization of the rebel forces, all officers received new ranks, according to their functions in the column. Miguel Costa, general commander, was promoted to general, and his staff was composed of Major Coriolano de Almeida Júnior and captains Djalma Dutra, Lourenço Moreira Lima and Alberto Costa. Prestes received the rank of colonel and continued to command the Rio Grande Brigade, made up of around eight hundred men divided into four detachments under the leadership of lieutenant colonels Osvaldo Cordeiro de Farias, João Alberto Lins de Barros and Antônio Siqueira Campos, and Captain Ari Salgado Freire. The São Paulo Brigade, with 1,300 men, passed to the command of Lieutenant Colonel Juarez Távora, and the leadership of its four detachments was entrusted to Majors Manuel Alves Lira and Virgílio dos Santos, and to Captains Henrique Ricardo Holl and Jorge Danton; The revolutionary command chose to reach Mato Grosso through Paraguayan territory, a decision communicated in an official bulletin published in Porto Mendes on April 26, 1925. The bulletin was signed by Miguel Costa, who then sent a document to the Paraguayan authorities committing himself to to respect the laws and sovereignty of the country. The column's passage through Paraguay lasted only a few days. On April 30, the João Alberto detachment crossed the Iguatemi River and re-entered Brazilian territory, being followed by the rest of the rebel troops, who headed for Ponta Porã, where Miguel Costa set up his headquarters on May 13. After several battles with loyalist forces commanded by Major Bertoldo Klinger, the two brigades withdrew to the headwaters of the Camapuã River, where they met on the following June 10. Miguel Costa intended to engage in decisive combat with the enemy, but his proposal met with strong opposition from Prestes, who claimed that he had inferior forces. This last point of view ended up prevailing and, shortly afterwards, the chain of command and the operational structure of the column were restructured, with the appointment of Prestes to head the general staff, the deactivation of the two brigades and the formation of four new detachments. commanded by Cordeiro de Farias, João Alberto, Siqueira Campos and Djalma Dutra; On June 23, 1925, the column entered Goiás, pursued by Major Klinger's troops. After numerous battles, the loyalist commander sent a proposal to surrender to the rebel leaders, which was rejected on June 30 by Miguel Costa, who accused Klinger of being a traitor. Shortly afterwards, the column reached an area that loyalist trucks could not penetrate, which forced an end to the pursuit. On August 11, the revolutionaries entered Minas Gerais through the Serra do Paranã and on September 2, they crossed the Carinhanha River, passing into Bahia. After crossing that state, they reached Maranhão in November 1925, establishing their headquarters in Balsas. On December 2, when they were preparing to enter Piauí, they received the adhesion of two hundred armed men, led by “Colonel” Manuel Bernardino, sertanejo leader and enemy of the Maranhão oligarchy; The column threatened to occupy Teresina, but, given the huge concentration of government troops in that city, it decided, on December 31, 1925, to suspend the attacks and start the march towards Ceará. That same day, Juarez Távora was arrested in the Ibiapaba mountain range, on the border of the two states. The revolutionaries entered Ceará on January 22, 1926, being forced to face the jagunços led by Floro Bartolomeu and Father Cícero Romão Batista, mobilized by the government to fight the column. Always on the move, they arrived in Rio Grande do Norte on February 3rd, in Paraíba six days later and in Pernambuco on the 12th. They crossed the São Francisco River on February 26th, entering Bahia again, and on March 25th they received a emissaries of Horácio Matos, an important sertanejo chief of that state. Column leaders unsuccessfully tried to get them to join. Two days later, they were attacked by their troops, against whom they fought during the entire period of passage through Bahia; The column entered Minas Gerais on April 19, camping on the banks of the Pardo River. Four days later, realizing the impossibility of advancing, he returned to Bahia and marched again to the Northeast, already quite worn out by the long period of displacement and combat. On July 2, he entered Pernambuco towards Piauí, from where he returned to Bahia in mid-August through the Serra da Tabatinga. In Formosa, he again faced the forces of Horácio de Matos, heading for Goiás already with the prospect of a possible emigration, as the general condition of the troops and equipment was quite precarious. In Goiás, Miguel Costa was wounded in a surprise attack launched by a group of jagunços, led by a soldier who had just joined the column. The attackers were only dispersed with the intervention of Siqueira Campos' detachment; The column entered Mato Grosso on October 15, 1926. Its leaders then met to discuss what to do. Prestes defended the division of the column into autonomous detachments that would continue the movement struggle, but Miguel Costa was opposed to this fragmentation and managed to prevent the approval of the proposal. The revolutionary command decided to send Djalma Dutra and Lourenço Moreira Lima to Argentina in order to find out Isidoro Dias Lopes' opinion on the continuity of the movement. Siqueira Campos' detachment protected the emissaries' trip to the border, but, upon returning, they were no longer able to contact the column, starting a fruitless wandering of several months through the backlands of Goiás, Minas and Mato Grosso; Arriving at Paso de Los Libres, Argentina, in November 1926, Djalma Dutra and Lourenço Moreira Lima immediately found Isidoro and heard his consideration in the sense that the column continued the fight until the outbreak of the uprising that was being prepared in Rio Grande do Sul. South, since, in his opinion, the inauguration of Washington Luís as President of the Republic on November 15 would not lead to any change in official policy. If there were no conditions to continue the fight, General Isidoro advised the column to emigrate and head later to the South, in order to resume military activities on another occasion; The outbreak of the revolt in the south was brought forward, without Isidoro's knowledge, to the 14th of November. Started in Santa Maria and followed by partial uprisings in other regions of the state, all of which were quickly quelled, it became known as the “lightning column”. Isidoro severely criticized this “precipitation”, considering it pointless. On the following 23rd, he dispatched, through Lourenço Moreira Lima, a letter addressed to Miguel Costa e Prestes asking that the column remain in arms for another two months, awaiting the evolution of the situation in the South. If the position of the revolutionaries did not improve during this period, they could emigrate and head to Rio Grande do Sul in order to continue the fight or prepare new campaigns; This information was passed on by Lourenço Moreira Lima to the command of the column on February 3, 1927 in Capim Branco, on the border of Mato Grosso with Bolivia. The revolutionary troops were quite worn out, with eight hundred men, six hundred weapons and little ammunition, which led their leaders to order emigration to Bolivia on the same day. After carrying out an inventory, 90 Mauser rifles, four heavy machine guns (one of them unusable) and two machine guns, almost all out of calibration, were handed over to the Bolivian authorities, in addition to around eight thousand rounds of ammunition. The following day, Miguel Costa and Prestes signed the minutes in which the revolutionaries pledged to lay down their arms and respect Bolivian laws. The long march of the column came to an end. On March 24, 1927, Siqueira Campos emigrated to Paraguay at the head of his 80 fighters who had strayed from the main body of the revolutionary troops; Most of the column accompanied Prestes and settled in the Bolivian city of La Gaiba, starting to work for the large colonizing company Bolivia Concessions Ltd., headquartered there. Miguel Costa, Cordeiro de Farias and João Alberto moved to Argentina, where the first went to live in the Santa Faustina farm, on the outskirts of Paso de Los Libres, along with Estillac Leal, Tales do Prado, João Procópio and Alcides Araújo; During this period, the government of Washington Luís began to undo the hopes of a liberalization of the Brazilian political system. Miguel Costa and other column leaders lost their ranks and their citizenship. The government majority defeated the amnesty project presented by the opposition to the Chamber. The number of convictions for political crimes has grown again. In August 1927, the Brazilian Communist Party – then the Communist Party of Brazil – was once again placed underground after a few months of legal action and, shortly afterwards, the government managed to approve the project presented to Congress by Aníbal Toledo, which became in the so-called Celerada Law, restricting freedom of expression and organization; At the same time, opposition to the government was growing. The formation of the National Democratic Party in September 1927 and the election of Getúlio Vargas to the presidency of Rio Grande do Sul in the following November strengthened opposition currents, which began to seek contact with the revolutionary “tenentes”. On the orders of the Gaucho leader Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil, Paulo Nogueira Filho traveled to Libres and then to Buenos Aires to meet Isidoro Dias Lopes, Miguel Costa and Luís Carlos Prestes to discuss the preparation of a new revolutionary movement. From these contacts, the Argentine capital became an important conspiracy center, with the presence of Siqueira Campos, João Alberto, Miguel Costa and Prestes. The last two went on to work together at a coffee export firm based there; The opposition articulations resulted in the formation, in August 1929, of the Liberal Alliance, a nationwide coalition supported by the dominant political forces in Rio Grande do Sul, Minas Gerais and Paraíba, and by a significant portion of the young Army officers. This front launched the Getúlio Vargas-João Pessoa ticket to run for the March 1930 presidential elections, but continued contacts aimed at preparing a revolutionary alternative for taking power. Unlike most of the “tenentes”, Prestes did not trust the Liberal Alliance, considering it a front limited to the dominant classes, incapable of leading a true revolution. But the victory of the situationist Júlio Prestes in the March 1930 election provoked the intensification of preparations for the uprising. Some “tenentes”, such as Siqueira Campos and João Alberto, began to prepare to return clandestinely to Brazil, while Prestes rejected all attempts to attract him to this project, even refusing to accept the military leadership of the movement; In the first days of May 1930, Miguel Costa participated in a meeting in Buenos Aires in which Prestes announced that he would launch a manifesto breaking with the Liberal Alliance, but was convinced by Siqueira Campos and João Alberto to wait a month to take this initiative. After oscillating between positions for and against participating in the alliance conspiracy, Miguel Costa defined himself by supporting the activities of João Alberto and Siqueira Campos. It was agreed that both would leave by plane for Brazil on May 9 and Miguel Costa would wait in the Argentine capital for the call to join the conspiracy. On that trip, the plane crash that resulted in the death of Siqueira Campos took place; At the end of May, Prestes released his manifesto in which he recognized the presence of “sincere revolutionaries” in the Liberal Alliance, but denied his support for this articulation, defending the need for “a government of all workers, based on the councils of the city and the field" and capable of applying an anti-landlordism and anti-imperialist program; The evolution of the Brazilian political situation favored the revolutionary project. With the assassination of João Pessoa on July 26, 1930, tempers flared, and with the accession of the elected president of Minas, Olegário Maciel, whose inauguration was scheduled for September 7, the material conditions for the outbreak of the uprising were strengthened. . In this context, Miguel Costa arrived in Porto Alegre to join the Revolutionary Command Group, formed by Pedro Aurélio de Góis Monteiro (military commander), Osvaldo and Luís Aranha, Virgílio de Melo Franco, João Alberto, Estillac Leal, Alcides and Nélson Etchegoyen, Augusto do Amaral Peixoto, Herculino Cascardo, Pinheiro de Andrade, Cícero Góis Monteiro, Ricardo Holl, Maurício Cardoso and Adalberto Cardoso. In addition to this group, there were other nuclei that were also part of the so-called Coluna Mestra da Revolución, which included Assis Brasil, João Neves da Fontoura, Raul Pilla, Lindolfo Collor, José Antônio Flores da Cunha and João Batista Luzardo. The supreme leader of the movement was Getúlio Vargas; The revolution broke out at 5:30 pm on October 3, 1930, achieving full success in its initial goals and expanding rapidly from the three states where the Liberal Alliance was strongest. Rio Grande do Sul was completely dominated in 24 hours, and then began the organization of detachments that would march to the North. In Minas, there was tenacious resistance from the 12th Infantry Regiment, finally quelled after five days. Paraíba was controlled on the 4th and, in a few days, almost the entire Northeast was in the hands of the revolutionaries led by Juarez Távora; The main focus of legalist resistance became São Paulo, where important federal garrisons commanded by General Arnaldo de Sousa Pais de Andrade were stationed. The gaucho revolutionary detachments quickly invaded and controlled Santa Catarina and then Paraná, divided into three columns, commanded by Miguel Costa (commissioned in the rank of general), by general Felipe Portinho and by “lieutenant” Trifino Correia. Miguel Costa's forces then accelerated their march to penetrate São Paulo, finding on October 5 in the São Paulo city of Itararé a large loyalist military concentration, made up of 3,600 soldiers from the Public Force, 1,600 from the Army and a thousand volunteers, supported by artillery batteries. The topographical position favored the defense of the city, located on a high granite cliff excavated by the Itararé River, but the revolutionary contingents had numerical superiority, with their 7,800 men and 18 large-caliber cannons. Fixing his headquarters in Sengés, Miguel Costa divided his forces into four detachments and organized the attack, preceded by harassing actions. After 12 days of tension and skirmishes, the revolutionaries managed to occupy the Morungava farm, 8 km from Itararé, forcing the legalist retreat to the perimeter of the city. General Pais de Andrade communicated the dramatic situation to his superiors, receiving express orders to defend Itararé “at all costs”; The military situation was clearly evolving in favor of the rebels on all the main fronts. In this context, high-ranking officials stationed in the Federal District staged a military coup against the government, which was finally successfully launched on October 24. In possession of this news, Miguel Costa sent an emissary to demand the unconditional surrender of the loyalist troops stationed in Itararé, whose commander, General Pais de Andrade, was still ignorant of the latest events. Incredulous, the general decided to personally meet Miguel Costa in Sengés, where he confirmed the veracity of the report and, on the afternoon of the 24th, signed the capitulation of his forces. These, after being disarmed, began to withdraw to Ponta Grossa in order to present themselves to Lieutenant Colonel Góis Monteiro, military leader of the revolution; The fall of Washington Luís did not immediately resolve the power conflict, as the governing junta at the time was not clearly committed to Vargas' tenure as president, claimed by the revolutionaries, and decided to determine the passage of state governments to the highest military authorities in each region. Thus, the São Paulo government initially passed to General Hastínfilo de Moura, commander of the 2nd RM and friend of Júlio Prestes. However, the revolutionaries began to replace the rulers with intervenors linked to their movement. On the night of the 25th, Vargas left by train for the city of São Paulo in order to face the delicate issue of local power, and then continued his journey to the Federal District. Miguel Costa, João Alberto, Maurício Cardoso, Luís Aranha, Virgílio de Melo Franco, Francisco de Assis Chateaubriand, Paulo Nogueira Filho and other revolutionary leaders accompanied the head of the movement, being festively received in the capital of São Paulo on October 28th. Miguel Costa even toured the city in an open car, to great popular acclaim; Miguel Costa and other lieutenant leaders proposed the name of João Alberto to assume the role of interventor in São Paulo, thus contradicting the claims of the Democratic Party, which was waiting for the nomination of its president, Francisco Morato, for the position. The agreement obtained by Vargas established that the Executive of São Paulo would temporarily remain without a head, with the secretariat being responsible for government affairs, while João Alberto would remain as the military delegate of the revolution in the state. Vargas then left for Rio, where, after overcoming initial resistance from the military junta, he took office on November 3 at the head of the provisional government. That same day, Miguel Costa, whose Brazilian citizenship was again recognized, was appointed commander of the Public Force of São Paulo, starting to hold, together with João Alberto, control of decisions related to public order and security in the state; Thus began the long conflict between the lieutenant leaders and the traditional political forces of São Paulo. On November 13, Miguel Costa, João Alberto and Colonel João Mendonça Lima founded the Revolutionary Legion, aimed at guaranteeing the carrying out of the reforms demanded by the “tenentes”, in order to prevent the revolution from representing only “an overthrow of occupants of positions to give rise to an assault on those same positions”. In the following weeks, José Maria Whitaker and Plínio Barreto successively occupied the leadership of the São Paulo government, but João Alberto's influence was strengthened through the appointment of many military personnel linked to him to various organs of the state administration. On November 25, the post of military delegate for the revolution in São Paulo was extinguished and João Alberto assumed the post of intervenor, leading the entire secretariat to resign. After some negotiations, this decision was temporarily suspended, but in the following days the disagreements deepened. On December 2, Vicente Rao, a member of the PD, was dismissed as head of police by the new intervenor, triggering a new resignation request – this time carried out – by all government secretaries. On the 4th, João Alberto appointed the new secretariat, even creating a new secretariat, that of Public Security, entrusted to Miguel Costa. Accumulating great power, Miguel Costa would become a constant target of attacks by the PD, which was marginalized from the main decision-making posts in the state; In the following period, the Revolutionary Legion experienced great growth, to the point that Miguel Costa, its main leader, announced on January 31, 1931 that this organization had 17 thousand followers and was represented in all districts of the state. On March 4, the Legion released a manifesto, written by Plínio Salgado and signed by Miguel Costa, Mendonça Lima and others. The document defended the need for a strong and centralized government, capable of intervening in the multiple aspects of the country's economic and social life; he denounced private landholdings, trusts, monopolies and the “absorption of national assets by foreign unions”; criticized the importation of political models and highlighted the need for “typically Brazilian answers” to these problems; The Legião's growth among the middle class, military officers and sectors of the working class intensified the existing tension between this organization and the traditional political forces in São Paulo, especially the PD and the Paulista Republican Party. This conflict evolved into a rupture, configured on March 24, 1931, with the elaboration of the manifesto in which the PD accused João Alberto of removing from the state administration “illustrious Paulistas” in favor of elements of his trust and stimulating persecutions promoted by the Revolutionary Legion. The document also defended the formation of a united front in São Paulo to fight for the convening of a national constituent assembly and the return of state autonomy. At Vargas' request, the manifesto was not released immediately, only being made public on April 7, after an offensive of repression against the PD. In protest against the policy applied by the intervenor and by Miguel Costa, Isidoro Dias Lopes resigned from the command of the 2nd RM two days later, but was not accepted; With the heightening of tensions, officers of the Public Force and members of the PD sparked an uprising on April 28, 1931 to depose João Alberto and Miguel Costa. The movement was quickly suppressed, with the arrest of more than two hundred rebels and the subsequent transfer of several Army officers to other regions of the country, including General Isidoro Dias Lopes, who was replaced by General Góis Monteiro in command of the 2nd RM; The growth of the Revolutionary Legion caused friction with different political groups and social sectors. Accused of being communist by its conservative opponents and of being demagogic by Luís Carlos Prestes (still exiled in Uruguay and already a supporter of Marxism), this organization was also the target of distrust from the most organized sectors of the working class, which did not accept the framework of the union structure as official plans. João Alberto himself came to fear the growth of Miguel Costa's influence and the parallel power represented by the Legião, which even managed to put obstacles to his policy of getting closer to coffee producers. In mid-1931, Miguel Costa traveled to Rio in order to request the removal of João Alberto, who, feeling isolated, resigned on July 24; The first name then chosen to assume the leadership of the government of São Paulo was Plínio Barreto, a trusted man of the PD, who intended to immediately remove Miguel Costa from the command of the Public Force. Reacting to this possibility, the lieutenant leader vetoed the inauguration of the new interventor, put his troops on standby and mobilized the Revolutionary Legion for an eventual conflict. In this context, Plínio Barreto was passed over to make way for Laudo Camargo, who took office on July 25 on the condition that Miguel Costa ceased to accumulate the functions of Secretary of Security and commander of the Public Force. To ensure this relocation, the new intervenor merged the Secretariats of Security and Justice, provoking protests from Miguel Costa, whose situation was confused. Laudo Camargo stated that he had received his resignation and reform request, thus appointing Abraão Ribeiro to replace him at the head of the Public Force, but Miguel Costa, supported by Góis Monteiro, denied this version. The result of this controversy was his removal from the Security Secretariat and his maintenance in command of the Public Force. Trying to react to this loss of power, Miguel Costa called a congress of the Revolutionary Legion, held from September 24 to 27, 1931, when the transformation of the entity into a major opposition party to the intervenor Laudo Camargo was discussed. The main programmatic theme addressed was the need to structure a strong and centralized state, capable of promoting the country's industrialization and ensuring better working conditions for wage earners; The situation in São Paulo became more tense with the amnesty decreed by Laudo Camargo for several politicians committed to the situation prior to the 1930 Revolution and the appointment of judges who were also removed from their positions for political reasons. The federal government forced the dismissal of these judges and, shortly afterwards, sent João Alberto and Miguel Costa to subpoena Numa de Oliveira, Secretary of Finance, to testify in court about the accusations of corruption that existed against him. Considering these measures violence against his government, Laudo Camargo resigned on November 13, 1931, accompanied by the Minister of Finance, José Maria Whitaker, who left three days later; Vargas then appointed Colonel Manuel Rabelo, linked to the lieutenant currents, who took office in the São Paulo interventory with the support of João Alberto, Miguel Costa and Góis Monteiro. Thus, the traditional political forces in the state went back to the opposition, radicalizing their positions. On January 13, 1932, the PD launched a manifesto breaking with the federal government and calling on the population to fight for the immediate constitutionalization of the country and the return of state autonomy. Shortly afterwards, the PRP did the same, initiating the process of uniting the two major parties that resulted in the formation of the Frente Única Paulista on the following February 16. Miguel Costa then transformed the Revolutionary Legion into the Paulista Popular Party; The intensification of popular demonstrations promoted by the FUP, against the federal government and Manuel Rabelo's intervention, and the positive impact of these pressures in Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul led Vargas to prepare a study for the constitutionalization of the country, which resulted in the Electoral Code enacted on February 22, 1932. At the same time, preparations began to replace Manuel Rabelo by Pedro de Toledo, from São Paulo, civil and close to the PRP. Despite Miguel Costa's resistance, Toledo was sworn in on March 7, promising to leave the government if he did not manage to reach a conciliation with the lieutenants. Thus, he opened a predominant space in his secretariat for people linked to Miguel Costa, who, however, diverging from Góis Monteiro, continued to reject any commitment to the FUP. It was the turn of the two generals to quarrel. The commander of the 2nd RM accused Miguel Costa of being a communist, contrary to the military, a conspirator and the main obstacle to harmony in the state, in addition to having used all funds from the Public Force to acquire arms and ammunition. Miguel Costa replied: “The Legion does not fight the military. The Legion has so far followed my lead and I am not against the military. I am against, yes, all reactionaries, whether civil or military.” To complete, he mentioned four officers included in this category: Lobato Vale, Branco Pedrosa, Cordeiro de Farias and Granville Belerofonte de Lima; Góis Monteiro replied, accusing the Revolutionary Legion of being responsible for the downfall of the PD, the expulsion of General Isidoro and the overthrow of João Alberto, Laudo Camargo and Manuel Rabelo. “It was these groups that do not think about the good of the country, internationalists as they are, who now assume the role of defenders of Brazil. We are here to defend the state and the unity of the national territory and, if we fall, the Brazilians will avenge our death”; The internal struggle in São Paulo was still intense when Osvaldo Aranha, Minister of Finance, visited the state capital on May 22, 1932 to assess the need for a new secretariat. Received by a huge demonstration of repudiation, he telegraphed Vargas giving his assent to the reorganization of the government with names from the FUP. The following day, Toledo formed a new secretariat that was not linked to the lieutenant forces and the federal government, with only members from the PD and the PRP. To celebrate this victory, the FUP called a demonstration that resulted in the crushing of Correio da Tarde, an organ of the Revolutionary Legion, and in generalized conflicts, which caused the death of four students: Martins, Miragaia, Drausio and Camargo. The initials of these names would form the acronym MMDC, from the civil militia, very active in the preparation and conduct of the armed struggle against the federal government; With the reorganization promoted by Pedro de Toledo, Valdemar Ferreira, from the PD, took over the Secretariat of Justice and immediately promulgated Miguel Costa's reform decree, appointing Colonel Júlio Marcondes Salgado to command the Public Force. In response, the federal government replaced Góis Monteiro with Manuel Rabelo in command of the 2nd RM, thus seeking to guarantee military control of São Paulo through the Army. Rabelo tried unsuccessfully to unify the commands of state and federal forces; Strengthened on the political level and with great penetration in the military environment, the FUP intensified the understandings with the united fronts Gaúcha and Mineira to trigger an uprising against the federal government. The planning of the first military actions fell to Colonel Euclides Figueiredo, it being agreed that the commander of the Military Circumscription of Mato Grosso, General Bertoldo Klinger, would later assume the leadership of the constitutionalist forces; The movement was launched on July 9, achieving full success in its initial goals in São Paulo. Right at the beginning of the uprising, Miguel Costa was arrested in his residence, remaining in this situation until the end of the conflict, which, contrary to what was expected by the people of São Paulo, turned into a prolonged civil war. Without support from other states, São Paulo waged an eminently defensive struggle until its capitulation on October 2, 1932. Despite this result, the leadership of Miguel Costa, the Revolutionary Legion and the tenentismo itself were unable to recover in the state during the intervention of the general Valdomiro Lima, while at the national level Vargas confirmed the constituent elections for 1933, thus meeting a claim by the defeated Paulistas. Clube 3 de Outubro, then the most significant tenentista organization, criticized the measure, considered a “triumph of old machines or even new machines, built from old parts and using the same technique”. The complete restoration of the military hierarchy and the decline of tenente organizations were evidenced during the Revolutionary Congress held between November 16 and 25, 1932, when the most radical sectors of the "tenente" did not have the slightest space; The constitutionalization of the country in 1934, with the subsequent election of Getúlio Vargas to the presidency of the Republic, was seen by sectors of the tenentista movement grouped together in the Clube 3 de Outubro as a submission of the revolutionary government to the old oligarchies. The 1934 Constitution expressed a composition between the centralizing proposals defended by the “tenentes” and the liberal aspirations of the traditional oligarchies. But the political struggle in the following period took on new directions. The Ação Integralista Brasileira, with a fascist tendency, experienced notable growth, leading left-wing parties, unions and other organizations to form the National Liberation Alliance, founded on March 23, 1935 to fight against imperialism, landlordism and fascism. Many former “lieutenants” adhered to this proposal, including Miguel Costa, who went on to direct the ANL organization in São Paulo along with Caio Prado Júnior; The rapid growth of the AIB and the ANL and the resulting radicalization in the political struggle led the federal government to enact the first National Security Law in the country’s history – known as the “Monster Law” –, which covered the successive arrests of oppositionists, the frequent police interventions in alliance demonstrations and the seizure, on April 21, of the newspaper A Pátria, sympathetic to the ANL. On July 5, 1935, the anniversary of the lieutenant uprisings of 1922 and 1924, Luís Carlos Prestes, already a member of the PCB and honorary president of the ANL, launched a violent manifesto calling for an immediate struggle for power, a position that did not reflect the opinion of most members of the ANL board. In response, the government decreed the closure of the entity on the following 11th, without finding any significant reaction. In São Paulo, Miguel Costa and Caio Prado Júnior organized a protest march that brought together about five hundred people; The insurrectional call made by Prestes aroused much criticism. In August 1935, upon leaving the ANL, Miguel Costa wrote a letter to the communist leader defending the entity's program, but stating: "You, naturally little informed, assuming that the ANL movement had both depth and breadth, launched his manifesto, giving his watchword of 'all power to the ANL', a profoundly revolutionary, subversive cry, advisable for the moments that should precede action. A cry that should, to be right, be answered by insurrection. However, here are the facts: your manifesto came, the decree to close the ANL came and this popular movement that seemed at first sight to have taken over the country didn't even react with two organized strikes... But, if you had, instead of preaching the assault on power, recommended by the most lively congregation around the Alliance, events would not have precipitated”; The ANL, under the dominant influence of the PCB, defined an insurrectionary orientation that led to the revolt of November 1935. In the violent wave of repression that followed the failed uprising, Miguel Costa lost his rank of honorary general of the Army and his Brazilian citizenship, although he was not directly involved in the episode. He was arrested following the military coup that, led by President Vargas himself, implemented the Estado Novo on November 10, 1937, moving away from any political activity from then on. He devoted himself to real estate business and later bought a farm in Guarulhos; Miguel Costa only regained his military rank and his citizenship in 1959, shortly before he died, in São Paulo, on December 2nd; He was married to Benedita Laura de Campos, with whom he had three children. After being divorced, he went to live with Euridina, with whom he had two more children; Maybe could be the main left tenente if Vargas and Prestes do die, provisional pm after the integralists

Estácio Coimbra - Yes. -

Henrique Dodsworth - Yes. -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

uncertainty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary:

Themes:

ABC -

ABL -

AIPB -

AM-B -

AL -

Anarchism -

1891 Constitutional Assembly -

ABE -

ABI -

ACSP -

ACRJ -

AVANTI! -

Brazil Bank -

National Flag -

Imperial Family Ban -

A Batalha -

Workers and peasants bloc -

Bolivia Syndicate -

Salvador bombing -

Borracha -

Bota-Abaixo -

Caixa de aposentadorias e pensões de estradas de ferro -

Campanha Civilista -

False letters -

CACO -

Centro acadêmico XI de agosto -

CIESP -

Centro dom vital -

CIB -

A cigarra -

Clarté -

Classe operária -

Clube de engenharia -

Clube militar -

Clube naval -

Clube republicano -

Código civil de 1916 -

Coligação Católica Brasileira -

Coluna Prestes -

Comissão de diplomação dos eleitos/Comissão de verificação de poderes -

Confederação geral do trabalho -

COB -

Conferencias de Paz de Haia (1899 e 1907) -

Conferencias pan-americanas -

CNT -

1891 Constitution -

Convenio de Taubaté -

Colarinho Roosevelt -

Coronelismo -

Correio da manhã -

Correio do povo -

Correio Paulistano -

1929 Crisis -

Crítica -

O Cruzeiro -

Damas da cruz verde -

Defesa nacional -

DNSP -

Dia do soldado -

Diário carioca -

Diário da Bahia -

Diário da manhã -

Diário da noite -

Diário de notícias (RJ) -

Diário de notícias (salvador) -

Diário de pernambuco -

Diário de SP -

Diário nacional -

Diário oficial -

Diplomacia das canhoneiras -

Dom Quixote -

Doutrina Drago -

Electron -

ELEIÇÃO A BICO DE PENA -

ENCILHAMENTO -

ESCOLA DO RECIFE -

ESCOLA MILITAR DA PRAIA VERMELHA -

ESCOLA MILITAR DO REALENGO -

ESQUERDA, A -

ESTADO DE MINAS -

ESTADO DE S. PAULO, O -

EXPOSIÇÃO DO CENTENÁRIO DA ABERTURA DOS PORTOS -

EXPOSIÇÃO INTERNACIONAL DO CENTENÁRIO DA INDEPENDÊNCIA DO BRASIL -

FEDERAÇÃO, A -

FEDERAÇÃO BRASILEIRA PELO PROGRESSO FEMININO -

FLORIANISMO -

FLUMINENSE, O -

FON FON -

FUNDING LOANS (1898, 1914 e 1931) -

GAZETA, A -

IMIGRAÇÃO -

IMPOSTO DE RENDA -

ITABIRA IRON ORE COMPANY -

IFOCS -

JACOBINISMO -

Silva Jardim (republican stuff) -

JORNAL DO BRASIL -

JORNAL DO COMÉRCIO -

JORNAL, O -

JOVENS TURCOS -

KLAXON -

LANTERNA, A -

LEI DO SORTEIO MILITAR -

LEI ELÓI CHAVES -

LEIS ADOLFO GORDO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA CONTRA O ANALFABETISMO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA PELOS ALIADOS -

LIGA DA DEFESA NACIONAL (LDN) -

LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

LIGA DE AÇÃO REVOLUCIONARIA -

LIGA NACIONALISTA DE SÃO PAULO (LNSP) -

LIGA PRÓ-SANEAMENTO DO BRASIL -

LIGHT -

MAÇONARIA -

MARAGATOS, PICA-PAUS E CHIMANGOS -

MUTUALISMO -

NAÇÃO, A -

NACIONALISMO -

Nicanor do Nascimento -

NOITE, A -

NOTÍCIA, A -

OCUPAÇÃO BRITÂNICA DA ILHA DA TRINDADE -

OLIGARQUIAS -

ORDEM, A -

PACTO BRIAND-KELLOG -

PACTO DE PEDRAS ALTAS -

PAÍS, O -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA CONFERÊNCIA DE PAZ DE VERSALHES -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA PRIMEIRA GUERRA MUNDIAL -

PÁTRIA, A -

PLATEIA, A -

PLEBE, A -

POLÍTICA COMERCIAL NA PRIMEIRA REPÚBLICA -

POLÍTICA DAS SALVAÇÕES -

POLÍTICA DOS GOVERNADORES -

POSITIVISMO -

POVO, O -

PRIMEIRO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

Proclamação da República -

PROJETO DE PACTO DO ABC DE 1909 -

QUESTÃO MILITAR -

QUESTÃO PANTHER -

RAZÃO, A -

REAÇÃO REPUBLICANA -

REARMAMENTO NAVAL (1910) -

RECONHECIMENTO DO REGIME REPUBLICANO -

REFORMA DA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1891 -

REFORMA DO SERVIÇO DIPLOMÁTICO (1895) -

REFORMAS EDUCACIONAIS -

RETIRADA DO BRASIL DA LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

REVISTA DA SEMANA -

REVISTA DE ANTROPOFAGIA -

REVISTA DO BRASIL -

REVISTA ILUSTRADA -

REVOLTA DA ARMADA -

REVOLTA DA CHIBATA -

REVOLTA DA VACINA -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1922 -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1924 -

REVOLUÇÃO DE 1930 -

REVOLUÇÃO FEDERALISTA -

REVOLUÇÃO GAÚCHA DE 1923 -

SEDIÇÃO DE JUAZEIRO -

SEGUNDO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

SEMANA DE ARTE MODERNA -

SINDICALISMO -

SINDICALISMO AMARELO -

SINDICATO -

SISTEMA ELEITORAL -

SAIN -

SRB -

STF -

STM -

TARDE, A -

TENENTISMO -

TERRA LIVRE, A -

TRATADO DE LOCARNO -

TRATADO DE PETRÓPOLIS -

TRATADOS DE FIXAÇÃO DE LIMITES TERRITORIAIS -

TRIBUNAL DE CONTAS -

UFAM -