User:Caio79 (Brazil)

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Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Afonso Celso de Assis - Others. - 2 - Liberal

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. - 48 - Conservative

Antônio da Silva Prado - Yes. - 13 - Conservative

Afonso Pena - Yes. - 18 - Liberal

Joaquim Nabuco - Yes. - 18 - Liberal

Rodolfo Dantas - Later. - Liberal

Eduardo Prado - Yes. - Conservative

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. - 20 - Liberal

João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira - Others. - 3 - Conservative

Saldanha da Gama - Others. - 4

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - Conservative - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Antônio Saraiva - No. - Liberal

Carlos de Laet - Others + Academia - 2 - Conservative

Alberto Torres - Yes. - 13 - Liberal

Lafayatte Rodrigues - No. - Liberal

Oligarchy:

Rodrigues Alves - Yes. - 21 - Conservative

Francisco Campos - Yes. - 48

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149

Hermes da Fonseca - Yes. - 20 - Conservative - Hermes Rodrigues da Fonseca was born in São Gabriel (RS) on May 12, 1855, the son of Hermes Ernesto da Fonseca and Rita Rodrigues Barbosa. His father was in the military and became a marshal of the Army; linked to the Conservative Party of the Empire, he was president of the province of Mato Grosso and, in the Republic, governor of Bahia in 1890. Several of his uncles were also military and played a prominent role: Manuel Deodoro da Fonseca, also a marshal, was the proclaimer Republic on November 15, 1889 and the first president of Brazil, until 1891; João Severiano da Fonseca became a general, was a doctor, is considered a patron of the Army Health Service, and was also a constituent senator for the Federal District from 1890 to 1891; Pedro Paulino da Fonseca retired as a lieutenant, but received the rank of honorary colonel and was governor of Alagoas from 1889 to 1890 and senator from 1891 to 1893. His cousin Clodoaldo da Fonseca, son of the latter, also a soldier, was governor of Alagoas from 1912 to 1915; When his father went to war against Paraguay (1865-1870), he moved with his family to Rio de Janeiro. Educated until then at home, he entered the Saint Louis College in 1866, but in the same year he was expelled for indiscipline. He then went on to study at the Imperial Colégio de Pedro II and at the night course at the Lyceum of Arts and Crafts. In 1871 he obtained a bachelor's degree in science and letters and, on September 20, he was enlisted in the 1st Artillery Battalion. On October 19, he enrolled at the Military School of Brazil, in Praia Vermelha, where he was a student of Benjamin Constant, one of the promoters of positivist philosophy in Brazil, which influenced his intellectual formation. He completed the infantry and cavalry course in 1876, being promoted to second lieutenant on June 13 of the same year. According to Freemasonry records, on October 6, it was initiated at the Ganganelli Lodge in Rio, then under the jurisdiction of the Grande Oriente Unido − to which Joaquim Saldanha Marinho, one of the signatories of the 1870 Republican Manifesto was linked −, but which would end up being incorporated in 1883 to the Grand Orient of Brazil. Later, he would become an effective member of the Amor ao Trabalho Lodge and a free member of the 2nd of December Lodge, also in Rio de Janeiro; In 1877 he married Orsina Francioni da Fonseca, his cousin, daughter of Pedro Paulino. In 1878 he finished the artillery course. Promoted to first lieutenant on January 18, 1879, he began to work as aide-de-camp to his father, then commander of arms in the province of Pará. Back in Rio de Janeiro in the same year, he took command of the 1st Battery of the 2nd Artillery Regiment. He then served as assistant to the Count of Eu, son-in-law of Dom Pedro II and general commander of the artillery of the Imperial Army. He became captain on July 30, 1881. At the end of the 1880s, he participated mainly as a liaison with Deodoro da Fonseca, in the political-military articulations that resulted, on November 15, 1889, in the deposition of the Brazilian monarchy and the installation of the provisional government of the Republic, under the leadership of Deodoro himself. Immediately, his father, the main military commander in Bahia, tried to defend the monarchical regime, but soon joined the Republic, taking over the government of the state; Due to his kinship with Deodoro, of whom he became military secretary, Hermes da Fonseca found himself at the center of one of the first political crises of the new regime. In the first days of January 1890, Deodoro announced to his government colleagues that he intended to carry out generalized promotions in the armed forces, but he met with opposition from Benjamin Constant, Minister of War. The divergence extended to the respective areas of influence, which reached many government posts. In the meantime, Deodoro has had serious health problems for some time now, which his doctor related to the impasse in the case of promotions. Fearing that the situation would generate instability in the regime, still in implementation, Benjamin Constant withdrew, and, as a reward for services rendered to the Republic, officials linked to both were widely benefited. Among them was Hermes da Fonseca, who was promoted to major on 7 January. On October 8, still in 1890, he reached the rank of lieutenant colonel, taking command of the 2nd Regiment of Field Artillery, in Rio de Janeiro. The following month, the National Constituent Assembly would be installed, on February 24, 1891, the first republican Constitution would be promulgated, and the following day Deodoro would be indirectly elected constitutional president of the Republic; Suffering challenges in the political area and in the barracks and with support problems in important states such as Minas Gerais and São Paulo, on November 3, 1891 Deodoro closed the National Congress, hoping to reverse the situation. The following day, he declared a state of siege in the Federal District and Niterói. In a manifesto to Brazilians, he explained his attitude, arguing the need to rectify the Constitution, mainly to strengthen the powers of the Executive of the Union. In this regard, he called for elections of deputies for the new constituent Congress. In response, Congress launched, on the same day and signed by 114 parliamentarians, including deputies and senators, the Manifesto to the Brazilian Nation, denouncing the violence of the government; Of the governors, only Lauro Sodré, from Pará, publicly demonstrated against the coup the following day. A short time later, however, resistance was structured in several states, in military sectors and in the union milieu of Santos (SP) and the federal capital. The vice-president, Marshal Floriano Peixoto, participated in meetings with the opposition. Finally, on the 21st of November, the railroad workers launched a strike in Rio de Janeiro, while preparations were being concluded for the military action that began in the early hours of the 23rd: the revolt of Navy units anchored in Guanabara Bay, supported by army contingents. in land. Sick, Deodoro still sketched a reaction, but ended up resigning that same morning. Vice President Floriano Peixoto was picked up at home to receive the post of President of the Republic; On February 20 of the following year, 1892, Hermes da Fonseca was arrested, together with Captain Clodoaldo da Fonseca, his cousin, for demonstrating against the deposition of the governor of Amazonas, in the course of the reprisals that the new president imposed on the political forces that had supported Deodoro's coup. Overcoming the episode, he assumed the position of director of the Arsenal de Guerra da Bahia, which he held until September 1893, when he was transferred to command the garrison of Niterói. On the occasion of the Revolta da Armada – a movement supported by sectors of the Navy against Floriano Peixoto between September 1893 and March 1894 −, he stood out in Niterói, where some of the most violent combats took place, in defense of the government that had arrested him. Promoted to colonel in March 1894, until 1896 he commanded the 2nd Regiment of Mounted Artillery, in the federal capital; During the management of Vice President Manuel Vitorino (November 10, 1896 to March 4, 1897), who replaced President Prudente de Morais (1894-1898), who was ill, he was appointed, still in 1896, head of the Military House of the Presidency of the Republic, which put him in contact with the national political milieu. As such, in 1897 he joined the drafting committee of the first regulation of the General Staff of the Army, created on October 24 of the previous year as a measure of operational and administrative modernization of the military force. With the return of Prudente de Morais to the presidency, he returned to command of the 2nd Regiment of Mounted Artillery. He suppressed, on May 26, 1897, a rebellion by students of the Military School against the president, whom they accused of being against the military and complacent with the sertanejos of Canudos, against whom the federal government waged, in 1896 and 1897, a war of extermination; In 1899, he became commander of the Rio de Janeiro Police Brigade. Promoted to brigadier general on July 13, 1900, in 1904 he assumed command of the Preparatory and Tactical School of Realengo, whose teaching plan would become more focused on military practice, reversing the trend towards scientific orientation. In November, he repressed student participation in the movement that would become known as the Vaccine Revolt. Unleashed in the city of Rio de Janeiro by the imposition, by the federal government, of the mandatory vaccine against smallpox, the rebellion catalyzed other tensions, involving popular and military sectors of various ranks. Immediately, the government suspended the mandatory vaccine and declared a state of siege, but after containing the rebellion, causing deaths, injuries and arrests, it resumed vaccination, which managed to eradicate the disease in the city; A division general since July 24, 1905, he became, in that year, commander of the 4th Military District, based in the federal capital and with jurisdiction over the states of Rio de Janeiro, Espírito Santo, Minas Gerais and Goiás. As commander of the district he promoted, still in 1905, great maneuvers of the Army. In command of a division composed of artillery, cavalry, and infantry elements, he conducted exercises in Santa Cruz from 16 September to 8 October. In a balance made in the report he sent to the Minister of War, General Francisco de Paula Argolo, he concluded that the maneuvers had highlighted the state of material precariousness in which the troop operated: uniforms, tents, food and available equipment were insufficient and of poor quality. the human material presented problems, especially in the simulated combats: indecisive soldiers, incompetent command, waste of ammunition, etc. The Army therefore needed profound reforms to enable it to effectively fulfill its military purposes; Hermes da Fonseca was promoted to Marshal on November 6, 1906. With Afonso Pena taking office as President of the Republic on the following 15th, he was appointed Minister of War, replacing General Argolo. Given his commitment to the modernization of the 4th Military District, the appointment was consistent with the concerns that the new president announced with industrialization and the country's military strengthening; Taking advantage of the experience in the previous command, his management would be characterized by modernizing initiatives of the national Army. South American countries such as Argentina, Bolivia and Chile had been promoting doctrinal and organizational reforms in their armed forces for some time. In Brazil itself, since the 19th century, albeit discontinuously, proposals of a similar content have been made, highlighting those formulated by João Nepomuceno de Medeiros Mallet, Minister of War from 1898 to 1902; Hermes sought, therefore, to tune the Brazilian Army with the most modern trends in the international military plan. He strengthened diplomatic relations with Germany with the intention of adopting in Brazil the military training model of that country, then considered to be exemplary. The War Budget Act of 1906 authorized officers to travel to Europe to improve their military skills. At the suggestion of the Minister of Foreign Affairs, José Maria da Silva Paranhos Júnior, baron of Rio Branco, a group of officers went to Germany in 1906 and two others would travel there in 1908 and 1910. In Brazil, they would become champions of the modernization of the Army according to the German model and would receive the nickname of “young Turks”, by association with supporters of Mustafa Kemal who, after a similar stage, returned to Turkey to carry out reforms in the State and in the armed forces; Having reiterated, in the 1907 War Ministry report, his pessimistic view of the Army's operating conditions, he traveled to Germany the following year, invited by Emperor Wilhelm II to watch maneuvers by his country's Army. On the occasion, he agreed to hire a German military mission to supervise the reorganization of the Brazilian Army, which, however, would not materialize. The contacts would have effective results in the armaments sector, with the assertion of the German company Krupp as the main supplier of artillery equipment; On December 10, 1908, he became Minister of the Supreme Military Court, a post he would accumulate with the War portfolio. On May 27, 1909, he left office to run for President of the Republic, being replaced by General Luís Mendes de Morais. The balance of his management at the head of the Ministry of War indicates that the concern with the modernization of the Army produced some results. Immediately, however, among the measures of general scope, only the deployment of large permanent units – strategic brigades, later renamed infantry and cavalry divisions – and the policy of acquiring weapons materialized. Resistance coming from the military environment itself and from the political area, sensitive to the financial costs of the reforms, made some measures unfeasible and delayed the execution of others. The reform of the General Staff of the Army would take almost ten years to complete. The Obligatory Military Service Law (1908), which regulated enlistment and implemented the military lottery, in addition to establishing the general bases for reorganizing the Army, would only actually come into force, in the part referring to conscription, in 1916; Regarded at the time as the most prestigious and popular military leader, Hermes da Fonseca had his name launched by young officers and civilians to succeed Afonso Pena, in turn committed to the candidacy of Davi Campista, his finance minister, who, however, encountered much resistance in the political milieu. In the face of strong restrictions on his name, derived from his military status, he sent the president a letter in which he denied that he was a candidate, but maintained that the military had the right to aspire to the presidency of the Republic. Other letters were sent to the baron of Rio Branco and to Rui Barbosa – a prominent Bahian jurist and senator and also a potential candidate −, consulting them about the suitability of the candidacy. From the first he got no reply; of the second, a public denial, put in terms of conflict between civil power and military forces; His name was officially launched, as an opposition candidate, at a convention of senators and deputies organized on May 22, 1909 by the Rio Grande do Sul senator José Gomes Pinheiro Machado, one of the most influential politicians of the moment and to whom, in 1906, he had been godfather in a duel. with Edmundo Bittencourt, owner of the Rio de Janeiro newspaper Correio da Manhã. The announcement of the candidacy, supported by the situationist majorities in several states, was received with enthusiasm in military and civil circles, with the explicit support of the Popular Club of Rio de Janeiro and the students of the Faculty of Law of São Paulo; Faced with the withdrawal of Davi Campista, Rui Barbosa emerged in August as his opponent, sponsored by the dominant political groups in the states of São Paulo, Bahia and Rio de Janeiro and part of Minas Gerais situationism. With the death of Afonso Pena, on June 14, 1909, and the inauguration of Vice President Nilo Peçanha, an ally of Pinheiro Machado, the candidacy of Hermes da Fonseca became situationist, benefiting from the support of the federal machine. His electoral platform placed great emphasis on the need to act against state situationalism in order to renew political cadres and eliminate corruption in the country, a goal he expressed in the adoption of the broom as a campaign symbol. Rui Barbosa, in turn, structured his campaign, which he called civilist, around the fight against militarism, to which he associated his opponent; The electoral competition that took place between the two candidates marked a turning point in Brazilian political history, thanks, in particular, to the methods used by Rui Barbosa, who had Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins, then president of the state of São Paulo, as a candidate the vice president. While Hermes relied on military prestige and on the electoral devices of many states, especially Minas Gerais, which had given him the vice-presidential candidate, Venceslau Brás, the Civilist Campaign exhibited a diverse profile, reflecting changes in the composition of the electorate, whose share urban grew. Civilists organized caravans that traveled across the country, holding rallies and demonstrations in streets and public squares. A style of campaign then known as “American” was inaugurated in Brazil, different from the predominant one until then, restricted to agreements closed between heads of political machines. After the election was held on March 1, 1910, which was also marked by reciprocal accusations of fraud, the polls gave victory to Hermes da Fonseca, with 403,867 votes, against 222,822 votes received by Rui Barbosa; In the month following the election, Hermes traveled to Europe, visiting Portugal, England and Switzerland. In France, where he stayed for two months, he visited military installations, factories and universities. At the time, he was the target of an intense campaign by various sectors of society, committed to convincing him to prefer France to Germany for military instruction agreements and the sale of military equipment to Brazil. On July 23, he arrived in Germany, again at the invitation of Emperor Wilhelm II, this time to visit Army installations and watch major military maneuvers in Tempelhoff, the historic center of concentration of Prussian troops. During his entire stay in Europe, although he always stressed that his trip had no official character, he was pressured by the press to manifest himself in favor of military assistance contracts with one of the two countries; Back in Brazil in October, he received from Loja Amor ao Trabalho, on November 7, the title of redeemed member. In the session that took place in his honor, he announced great concern for the working class, promising to direct housing and education policies to them. He was probably the first elected president in Brazil to mention the subject in a political speech; In power, he formed a political circle whose core was the military and members of dominant state groups. Family members of his would also play an important political role: his brother Marshal Fonseca Hermes was deputy and leader of the majority in the Chamber; his son Lieutenant Mário Hermes was his adjutant and later deputy for Bahia; General Percílio da Fonseca was head of the Casa Militar; José Olímpio da Fonseca was commander of the 1st Brigade; One of his first acts as president was to visit the Federal Supreme Court, two days after taking office. On the occasion, a member of his entourage asked that it be recorded in the minutes that it was the first time that a President of the Republic visited that court; In the first week of the new government, on the 22nd, a mutiny broke out among sailors from several vessels anchored in Guanabara Bay, including the battleships Minas Gerais and São Paulo, the most powerful units of the Brazilian fleet. Under the leadership of sailor João Cândido Felisberto, the Revolta da Chibata, as it would become known, aimed to end physical punishment in the Navy − although legally abolished in the early days of the Republic, it continued to be practiced on decks −, better working conditions and access to to the rights of citizens. The bargaining power of the sailors, who also demanded amnesty, was constituted by their ability, once they assumed command of the vessels, to bomb the city and the ships whose crews did not adhere to the movement. On the 26th, the government announced that it had accepted the demands of the mutineers, decreeing the end of physical punishment and granting amnesty to those who surrendered. However, repressive measures were taken against the sailors of the Naval Battalion, on the island of Cobras, who would rise up on December 9th. The government would bomb the island, killing hundreds of sailors. Many others would die in prison or in exile in the northern rubber plantations, to which they would be condemned; The government of Hermes da Fonseca would be characterized by the “policy of salvations”, which, under the pretext of defending the purity of republican institutions, sought to replace, through electoral maneuvers or the use of military force, the groups in power in the states by others, from their confidence, many of them military. Such an orientation, which did not imply modifying the economic and social order of the states, would lead him to frequent clashes with Pinheiro Machado, allied with state political forces whose positions he intended to preserve. Among the numerous conflicts triggered by federal interventionism in the states, the one registered in Ceará from December 1913 stands out. Traditional groups displaced from power, supported by Pinheiro Machado, allied themselves with an extremely popular religious leader, Father Cícero Romão Batista, and, after violent clashes, managed to regain state power in March 1914. Successful, at first, in most states in the North/Northeast, the “policy of salvations” did not shake the situationists in the most powerful states, such as Minas Gerais, Sao Paulo and Rio Grande do Sul; Politically important officials were divided over the Army's intervention in Ceará politics. The crisis, which involved the Military Club − critical of the connection between the military and state politicians −, the press and opposition sectors, would eventually lead the federal government, on March 4, to decree a state of siege in the Federal District and Niterói. There followed the arrest of officers, including three generals, and several civilians, and the closure of newspapers. Initially valid until March 31, the state of siege would be extended until April 30 and then October 30, 1914; Still in 1912, the government was faced with an armed movement of a popular nature in a territorial area disputed by the states of Santa Catarina and Paraná, known as Contestado. Rich in wood and yerba mate, the area was the scene of intense disputes over land ownership, aggravated by the presence of foreign capital and the widespread poverty that affected rural workers. These, organized into a messianic religious community, aroused the fear of large rural landowners, who would mobilize state repression against them. The difficulty encountered in defeating them would lead to the intervention of the Army, which would test the modernizing measures adopted until then in the field. After successive and bloody battles, the repressive forces would only subdue the sertanejos definitively in 1916; In the midst of growing union mobilizations in Rio de Janeiro, also in 1912, Hermes da Fonseca took an unprecedented initiative in Brazilian politics until that moment, tending, preferably, to the repression of the union movement: he sponsored the realization, in Rio de Janeiro, of the IV Brazilian Workers Congress. Organized by his son, the then-deputy Mário Hermes, the event was viewed with distrust by most of the workers' leaders, who associated him with the “yellow” trade union current, which defended cooperation with the State. The 187 registered delegates were transported on Lloyd Brasileiro ships – a company in the process of being incorporated into the State – or had train tickets paid by the government, which also provided the Monroe Palace for the meetings, held from November 7th to 15th. On that occasion, it was decided to create the Brazilian Confederation of Work, with Mário Hermes elected as its honorary president. Hermes da Fonseca, fulfilling what he had promised during the homage he received from Freemasonry, invested in housing for workers, building villas in a suburban area of Rio de Janeiro that would be named after him, and in Gávea, a neighborhood in the South Zone of the city; The public works program was, moreover, one of the factors in the large increase in government spending during his administration. In addition to the working-class villages, the expansion of the railway network can be mentioned, with emphasis on the completion of the Madeira-Mamoré railway; the creation of technical-professional schools, according to a program initiated in the previous government; the installation of the University of Paraná, current Federal University of Paraná; the conclusion of the reform of Vila Militar and Hospital Central do Aeroporto, both in Rio de Janeiro. The resumption of external debt amortization, frozen since the funding loan – renegotiation of the external debt − practiced by President Manuel Ferraz de Campos Sales (1898-1902), contributed strongly to putting pressure on government accounts; Hermes da Fonseca was able, during his first two years in government, to manage the public deficit without major problems, thanks to the favorable moment experienced by the Brazilian economy. The growth of coffee and rubber exports between 1909 and 1912 combined with a strong inflow of foreign capital to give the government room for maneuver in the face of budget imbalance. However, changes in the international scenario, some of which would lead to the European war of 1914-1918, crucially affected Brazilian exports from 1912 onwards. Competition from Asian production broke the Brazilian rubber monopoly, while the Balkan War (1912) and the world economic crisis of 1913 shook the coffee market, lowering prices and levels of consumption. On the other hand, as the war loomed, imports grew, making the Brazilian trade balance in deficit, which in recent years had been accumulating positive balances; Easy until the crisis began, obtaining capital abroad became problematic. As European countries prepared for war, the capital in the area was strongly withdrawn, making it difficult to issue Brazilian bonds. The Brazilian government's foreseeable difficulties in continuing to pay the foreign debt generated pressure from international creditors. In the second half of 1913, the government began negotiations aimed at renegotiating the debt. After tortuous negotiations with the syndicate of foreign creditors, an agreement was reached to restructure debt amortization and service. On July 27, 1914, negotiations were interrupted, given the imminence of the outbreak of war, which actually started the next day. On August 1st, the payment of the external debt service was suspended. In the same month, in view of the reflections of the problems in the external sector of the economy on the exchange rate, increasing the demand for foreign currency, the government determined the closing of the exchange operations of the Caixa de Conversão, created in 1906 precisely to manage the power of exchange of Brazilian currency in international trade. The following month, a new funding loan was agreed, with a clause prohibiting new foreign loans for three years and future income from Brazilian customs as a guarantee; In the military area, Hermes da Fonseca was unable to put the 1908 enlistment law into practice. In the balance he made at the end of his government, he explained that there were points in the law that needed to be modified, which was the competence of the National Congress. The first referred to the periods for setting the contingents in each state and determining the days for drawing lots and incorporating those drawn, which should be set for dates subsequent to the annual vote on the effective budget of the ground forces. The second, the division of the national territory into 13 inspection regions, a number that he proposed to reduce in order to better adapt the organization to the geographic reality of each state. In concrete terms, he inaugurated the Escola Brasileira de Aviação in February 1913, when 35 officers, midshipmen and minors from the Army enrolled, as well as officers and enlisted men from the Navy. The course at the Naval Academy was reformed, with the merger of officers and engineers, and the Naval War College was created, intended to train officers for the high command; In the last year of his government, having widowed Orsina da Fonseca, he married, on December 8, 1913, Nair de Tefé von Hoonholtz, daughter of the Admiral of Tefé, a well-known caricaturist and considered a woman of advanced customs for the time; Transmitted, on November 15, 1914, the presidential office to Venceslau Brás, elected on March 1, Hermes da Fonseca retired to Petrópolis, where his parents-in-law resided. At the end of June of the following year, he had his name articulated by Pinheiro Machado, along with the Rio-Grandense Republican Party, for the vacancy in the Federal Senate opened by the resignation of Joaquim Assunção. Although the nomination generated significant resistance within the party, his name emerged victorious in the election held in August. Before he took office, however, Pinheiro Machado was assassinated, at the same time that demonstrations against his name intensified. Claiming bitterness at the way he was being treated, he gave up his mandate on the day of graduation, in September 1915, and traveled to Germany the following month; He lived in Switzerland until October 1920, when he returned to Brazil. When he disembarked, on November 4, he was welcomed by representatives of the Ministry of War, by the Chiefs of Staff of the Army and Navy, by delegations from the National Congress, the STF and the Clube de Engenharia, among others, who they gave a feast. In December, he had his name released by officers to succeed General Crispim Ferreira as president of the Military Club, a position he would take office in May of the following year; The electoral campaign for the succession of President Epitácio Pessoa (1919-1922) was then in progress. Artur Bernardes, from the Minas Gerais Republican Party, presented himself as a candidate for the Minas Gerais-Sao Paulo axis. Asked by representatives of Bernardes in February 1921 − a month before his candidacy became official − about the possibility of supporting him, he avoided it, claiming that he was not a militant politician. However, he himself was launched as a candidate at a rally held in Rio de Janeiro on May 26. On the occasion, a directory was formed to organize the campaign, composed of generals Camilo Holanda and Francisco Flary, retired marshal Firmino Pires Ferreira – senator for Piauí −, marshal Bento Manuel Ribeiro Carneiro Monteiro – former mayor of the Federal District −, the opposite - Admiral Francisco de Matos and socialist deputies Maurício de Lacerda and Nicanor Nascimento. His candidacy, however, died at birth, because he did not receive politically important support, despite attempts to publicize it made by the directory, which organized banquets and rallies; Finally, in June, dissident politicians from the Minas Gerais-São Paulo axis launched the Republican Reaction movement, around the candidacies of Nilo Peçanha − senator for the state of Rio de Janeiro − and José Joaquim Seabra − president of Bahia − for president and vice president of the Republic. The opposition coalition also received support from dominant groups in Rio Grande do Sul and Pernambuco. His program advocated more attention to economic sectors other than coffee, greater independence for the Legislative from the Executive, reinvigoration of the armed forces, and social policies for the urban population. Among the military, the opposition ticket gained ground, largely due to the wear and tear that President Epitácio Pessoa faced in his relations with the armed forces, mainly because he appointed civilians to the Ministries of War and Navy; The Republican Reaction highlighted the political reality that the Civilist Campaign had already indicated: the progressively greater difficulty that the dominant groups in the main states found in imposing their conveniences in succession processes on representatives of less powerful areas. As in 1910, the urban electorate stood out as a potentially decisive element in the electoral dispute, now in the wake of the impetus that the First World War (1914-1918) had given to industrial activities and the urbanization process in Brazil. The methods adopted by opposition candidates, without neglecting cabinet agreements with dissident political leaders, followed the modern trend, with the holding of large urban rallies; In the middle of the campaign, Hermes da Fonseca found himself at the center of an event that would have important consequences in national political life. On October 11, 1921, Correio da Manhã published a facsimile of a letter in which he was seriously offended, both professionally and personally. Another one followed the next day, this time with insults to Nilo Peçanha. Both were supposedly signed by Artur Bernardes and caused a serious political crisis. As the candidate from Minas Gerais denied any relationship with the documents, even hiring experts to verify their authenticity, members of the Military Club mobilized to examine them, concluding that they were false, an opinion endorsed by Hermes da Fonseca. Despite this, club members managed to carry out a new investigation which, after many tribulations and crises, declared the letters authentic, although recognizing that the report was not conclusive and, therefore, recommending that the case be definitively closed. But the episode of the “false letters”, as it became known, intensified the feelings of military segments against the situationist candidate, bringing them closer to Nilo Peçanha; In March 1922, Artur Bernardes received 466,877 votes against 317,714 for the Republican Reaction candidate. The result was questioned by the opposition, which demanded a recount of the votes and, at the proposal of the Military Club and Antônio Borges de Medeiros, leader of the PRR, the formation of a court of honor to legitimize it. In May, Hermes da Fonseca, along with other military personnel, asked the STF for habeas corpus not to be obliged to recognize Artur Bernardes' authority, but did not obtain a favorable decision. In the end, in June, the situationist ticket had its victory officially recognized. However, the resistance of the opposition to accepting defeat continued, with popular movements protesting against the election in Pernambuco taking place, which the federal government repressed with army troops. As president of the Military Club, Hermes da Fonseca sent a telegram on June 29 to the federal garrison in the capital of Pernambuco, urging the soldiers not to repress the people. Asked by the President of the Republic about the authorship of the telegram, he assumed it and was arrested on July 2, 1922, at the same time that the club was closed by presidential order. At the time, he suffered a heart attack. After spending the night in the barracks of the 3rd Infantry Regiment, in Praia Vermelha, he was released the next day; As a result of the crisis, the dissatisfaction of military segments, mainly young officers, with the President of the Republic and his elected successor deepened. In some military units of the federal capital, an uprising was articulated with the immediate objective of preventing the inauguration of Artur Bernardes. Hermes da Fonseca was sought out by Lieutenant Aviator Eduardo Gomes, who had a message from his son, Captain Euclides Hermes, commander of Fort Copacabana, informing him that the unit would rebel. He visited Vila Militar at dawn on the 4th, ready to command the students of the Military School of Realengo. The following morning, July 5, soldiers rebelled in Vila Militar, in the Military School of Realengo and in the Fort of Copacabana. A rebel focus also emerged in Mato Grosso, led by General Clodoaldo da Fonseca, his cousin and commander of the 1st Military Circumscription. The federal government repressed the movement, arresting several officials, including, again, Hermes da Fonseca. The episode constituted the first manifestation of tenentismo, which would be repeated, although with other characteristics, in the movement of July 5, 1924 in São Paulo and in the column Miguel Costa-Prestes, in 1925-1927; With the country under a state of siege, requested by Epitácio Pessoa and granted by the National Congress, Artur Bernardes was sworn in on November 15, 1922. On January 6 of the following year, the lawyer Evaristo de Morais filed a request for habeas corpus with the STF in favor of Hermes da Fonseca and other members of the military, alleging that they were all being held without charge and without a warrant from the competent authority, since the crimes they were accused of, typified as military, were, in fact, political. The order was granted, and Hermes, who was sick, was released; Will certainly be in, the period he was president was also quite eventful so we should pay attention on it

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74

Afrânio de Melo Franco - Yes. - 25 -

Miguel Costa - Yes. - 24 -

Estácio Coimbra - Yes. -

Henrique Dodsworth - Yes. -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

uncertainty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary:

Themes:

ABC -

ABL -

AIPB -

1891 Constitutional Assembly -

ABE -

ABI -

ACSP -

ACRJ -

AVANTI! -

Brazil Bank -

National Flag -

Bannishment of the Imperial Family -

Workers and peasants bloc -

Bolivia Syndicate -

Salvador bombing -

Bota-Abaixo -

Caixa de aposentadorias e pensões de estradas de ferro -

Campanha Civilista -

Carcomidos -

Casa Rui Barbosa -

CACO -

Centro acadêmico XI de agosto -

CIESP -

Centro dom vital -

CIB -

Clarté -

Classe operária -

Clube de engenharia -

Clube militar -

Clube naval -

Clube republicano -

Código civil de 1916 -

Coligação Católica Brasileira -

Coluna Prestes -

Comissão de diplomação dos eleitos/Comissão de verificação de poderes -

Confederação geral do trabalho -

COB -

Conferencias de Paz de Haia (1899 e 1907) -

Conferencias pan-americanas -

CNT -

1891 Constitution -

Convenio de Taubaté -

Colarinho Roosevelt -

Coronelismo -

Correio da manhã -

Correio do povo -

Correio Paulistano -

1929 Crisis -

Crítica -

O Cruzeiro -

Damas da cruz verde -

Defesa nacional -

DNSP -

Dia do soldado -

Diário carioca -

Diário da Bahia -

Diário da manhã -

Diário da noite -

Diário de notícias (RJ) -

Diário de notícias (salvador) -

Diário de pernambuco -

Diário de SP -

Diário nacional -

Diário oficial -

Diplomacia das canhoneiras -

Dom Quixote -

Doutrina Drago -

50