User:Caio79 (Brazil)

HeDing text
Soon

Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. - 48 - Conservative

Rodolfo Dantas - Later. - Liberal

Eduardo Prado - Yes. - Conservative

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. - 20 - Liberal

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - Conservative - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Antônio Saraiva - No. - Liberal

Gaspar da Silveira Martins - Liberal

Oligarchy:

Francisco Campos - Yes. - 48 - Francisco Luís da Silva Campos was born in Dores do Indaiá on November 18, 1891, the son of magistrate Jacinto Álvares da Silva Campos and Azejúlia de Sousa e Silva. On his father's side, he was descended from Joaquina Bernarda da Silva de Abreu Castelo Branco, known as Joaquina do Pompéu, married to Inácio Oliveira Campos, grandson of pioneer Antônio Rodrigues Velho, one of the founders of Pitangui in the early 18th century. Joaquina do Pompéu was the most famous matriarch of Minas Gerais. Numerous dominant families in the economic, social and political life of Minas Gerais belonged to her lineage. To mention just a few names that have become well-known, Benedito Valadares, Gustavo Capanema, the Melo Francos, José de Magalhães Pinto, Olegário Maciel and Ovídio de Abreu can be found in this family plot. A great-uncle of Francisco Campos and Benedito Valadares, Martinho Álvares da Silva Campos, was Minister of Finance and presided over the Council of Ministers of the Empire between January and July 1882, after having been deputy general (1857-1881) and president of the province of Rio de Janeiro (1881); he was also a senator (1882-1887) and councilor of state (1886); Francisco Campos learned his first letters from his mother and then spent two years as an intern at the Instituto de Ciências e Letras in São Paulo, later returning to Dores do Indaiá to study Portuguese and French. He attended secondary school in the Minas Gerais cities of Sabará and Ouro Preto. In 1910, he enrolled at the Free Faculty of Law in Belo Horizonte. When he was in his second year at college, he drew the attention of forensic circles in the capital of Minas Gerais by producing the defense of Army soldiers involved in a shootout with civil police guards. His culture and oratory impressed the court. Last year, he gave a tribute speech to the late President Afonso Pena, on the theme of democracy and national unity, in which he predicted: “The future of democracy depends on the future of authority. Repressing the excesses of democracy by developing authority will be the political role of many generations.” Contemplated with the Barão do Rio Branco Award for having been the best student over the five years of the course, he was the speaker of his class at the graduation ceremony, in December 1914. He then established himself as a lawyer in Belo Horizonte; In 1916 he applied to teach a whole section of subjects – philosophy of law, political economy, financial sciences and Roman law – at the college where he had studied. He won first place in the contest, but not the nomination, which was awarded to one of the two other candidates, Gudesteu Pires, later his colleague in the Minas government secretariat. In 1917, he won the chair of constitutional public law in a competition, being admitted as a substitute professor in April 1918; In 1918, the government of Artur Bernardes in Minas also began, which marked the elimination of the old direction of state politics. Bernardes and his Secretary of the Interior, Raul Soares, promoted a renewal of political methods, which they inherited, however, from the practice of those being replaced, the authoritarian regime. Completing the conquest of political hegemony in Minas by the representatives of the Zona da Mata, but leading men from different regions of the state, they relentlessly destroyed the influence of former state president Francisco Sales on the state machine and on the Mineiro Republican Party, the only one in the state between 1897 and 1930; According to Norma de Góis Monteiro's analysis in an article published in the Brazilian Journal of Political Studies, “the political picture began to change with the introduction of new values, representative of the new oligarchic generation that is imbued with the spirit of modernization. Thus, Odilon Braga, Cristiano Machado, Daniel de Carvalho and others are thrown into politics, who will play an active role from 1930 onwards. Among the names now projected into the federal orbit is Francisco Campos”; Thus, thanks to the repercussions of his first contest and the intellectual qualities he continued to reveal, Francisco Campos had his name included by Raul Soares on the list of PRM candidates for state deputy for the 1919-1922 legislature. Elected in 1919, with 4,287 votes, for the 7th Electoral Circumscription, he was rapporteur for the Constitution, Legislation and Justice Commission of the state chamber, participating with emphasis on the constitutional reform elaborated on the initiative of Artur Bernardes. He notably condemned municipal autonomy in his interventions, conceiving the city halls, as Norma de Góis Monteiro pointed out, as municipal executive bodies of an exclusively administrative character and provided by designation or state appointment. “City halls are, therefore, nothing more than a modality, and the most efficient and intelligent one, of the control of the central administration over the local administration”, he declared in 1920, in the course of the parliamentary debates; In 1921, Francisco Campos was included in the list of PRM candidates for federal deputy. Elected, he took office in April, after resigning as state deputy, debuting in the Chamber of Deputies with speeches that stood out for their erudition. Soon the fame of his intelligence grew, in a Minas Gerais bench that included names such as Afonso Pena Júnior, Afrânio de Melo Franco, Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada, José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, Bráulio de Magalhães, José Francisco Bias Fortes and Manuel Tomás by Carvalho Brito; Since the beginning of his mandate, he has invested “against the liberal State and liberal-democratic institutions, which he describes as political superstition”, as Jarbas Medeiros wrote. Still in 1921, he alluded to the “dragon of democratic ideology”, which would already be relegated to the “museum of political antiquities”. Contrasting with the vision of the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau about the rights of the citizen and individualism, he stated, in the same year: “the time has passed… of freedom as a natural right, superior and prior to the organic formation of society: both, law and freedom, are nothing more than forms and modalities of social existence or organs destined to a specific social function... In the modern regime, individual freedoms came to be guaranteed by the State and the State administration became a legal administration”. He also attacked municipal and state autonomy, defending the strengthening of central power, against secret voting and against parliaments, which should be replaced by the press and unions: “The administration tends, therefore, to monopolize in its hands the legislative work, with great advantages for its simplicity and regularity”; In December 1921, he accused Nilo Peçanha’s campaign for the presidency of the Republic (against Artur Bernardes, who would be elected in March 1922) of transfiguring “a struggle that is a normal and commonplace movement into a democracy that values itself as a revolutionary movement. by its intentions, processes and objectives”. He attributed such transfiguration to a mentality “which is fatally and utterly lethal to democratic institutions… incomparably more harmful and ruinous to the Republic than that of despotism and oligarchy”; Re-elected in 1924, he was, throughout both legislatures, an intransigent defender of the federal governments of Epitácio Pessoa (1919-1922) and Artur Bernardes (1922-1926), of the preeminence of the Executive Power within the framework of the republican institutions defined in 1891 and of the established order; He was a staunch enemy of the “tenentes”, who promoted a series of insurrectionary attempts and uprisings after the 18 do Forte episode (5/7/1922), as well as the liberals (he called the Gaucho leader Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil a “demagogue ”). Despite all that, he would join both in the Revolution of 1930, which liquidated the first Brazilian republican order; According to Jarbas Medeiros, in the days following the failed uprising of the 18 do Forte, he once again accused the opposition and supported President Epitácio Pessoa’s decree of a state of siege, against “these repeated attempts at a plebiscite for barracks” and the “ghost of military sedition ”. He saw the military demonstrations of protest as explosions of “primitive instincts”, “forces of disorder and destruction”, “primal and Jacobin spirit”, qualifying them as “dark adventure”, “aggression to the traditional order of the country” and “flagellation of the homeland”; He feared the potential of an “anarchic social revolution” of which tenentismo could be a spearhead. In May 1925, he responded to the manifesto launched in exile by Assis Brasil, head of the Liberating Alliance, against the government, asking: “What shocks, if this movement (military sedition) spreads, would shake the country, giving rise to nobody knows what currents of feelings, ideas or passions from those underwater depths of the national soul, whose aggregates, suddenly dissolved, would release powerful energies, less capable of creating than destroying? In another speech given at the same time, he offered a preventive remedy: “In these critical periods of dissolution of a social State and liquidation of traditions, it is necessary to contain spirits, curb impulses, tightening the meshes of this elastic armor that is order. legal, in such a way as to make the discipline more rigorous and strict the more active the ferments that work for decomposition”; After systematically defending the repressive measures adopted by the Bernardes government – echoing his colleagues on the PRM bench –, he supported his proposal for constitutional reform, which would be approved by Congress in September 1926. The revision of the 1891 Constitution promoted by Bernardes it strengthened the powers of the Executive and the President of the Republic, the Union to the detriment of the states and, in general, authority, in the face of social and military effervescence. Francisco Campos saw in religious education the matrix of moral education and in moral and civic education the way to combat the “evils” of tenentism and “false declamatory liberalism”. Thus, he advocated, without success, the recognition of the Catholic religion as “the religion of the Brazilian people”; Throughout this period, he did not stop teaching: in 1920 and 1921 he taught philosophy of law and public law and, in 1924, already a federal deputy, he assumed the chair of philosophy of law, exercising it intermittently until 1930; In 1925, the until then leader of the Bernardes government in the Chamber of Deputies, Antônio Carlos, was chosen by the PRM to be the president of Minas in the quadrennium 1926-1930. Elected without competitors in March 1926, Antônio Carlos was sworn in on September 7 and appointed Francisco Campos to the Interior Secretariat, who left the Chamber to become the most influential of his assistants in the Minas Gerais Executive; According to Jarbas Medeiros, Francisco Campos, contrary to the vast majority of conservative politicians at the time, “already brought to the debate and public administrative action, in the 1920s, the concepts and programs that aimed at setting up, among us, a State national, illiberal, authoritarian and modern. Placed within the power structure then in force, he certainly worked not to undermine his social foundations – and in this he qualified as a conservative –, but to replace and rebuild, from above, its political and bureaucratic institutions, modernizing them” ; The government of Antônio Carlos in Minas generally presents a very positive balance in comparison with other administrations of the period and, above all, with the governments of his predecessors. There are, however, those who judge, such as Alexandre Barbosa Lima Sobrinho, that his achievements were motivated by the desire to project the name of Antônio Carlos nationally, in view of the succession of Washington Luís, who had assumed the presidency of the Republic on November 15, 1926; It was in the educational sector, an assignment of Francisco Campos, that the government of Antônio Carlos had the most notable performance. In September 1927, the University of Minas Gerais (now the Federal University of Minas Gerais) was created in Belo Horizonte. However, it was in the renovation of all primary and normal education in the state, in a pioneering experience in the country, that Francisco Campos stood out the most. This renewal followed the postulates of the “new school”, which had arrived in Brazil, through educators such as Anísio Teixeira and Fernando de Azevedo, after the First World War; Francisco Campos saw the traditional school, according to Jarbas Medeiros, as rhetorical and ornamental in nature, directed towards the formation of elites. The “new school” should teach how to think, invent and create solutions for the multitude of new problems of complex modern life. For him, the future of democratic institutions depended above all on “guiding and increasing primary education”, which, failing to train men, guide intelligence and distill common sense, “may make voters, not citizens”; With a group of foreign psychologists and professors – including the educator Helena Antipoff, who would become known nationally – Francisco Campos drew up an entire education reform plan, which notably resulted in the creation of the Improvement School, aimed at training and recycling educators along the lines of the “new school”. The number of primary schools tripled between 1926 and 1929, 19 normal schools were founded and the oldest existing ones, those in Belo Horizonte and Ouro Preto, were remodeled. Teachers were hired in Switzerland, France and Belgium, and female teachers from Minas Gerais went to train in the United States with scholarships from the state government. In 1928, causing some stir in political circles and gaining the sympathy of the Catholic Church, the government of Minas Gerais reintroduced religious teaching in public schools; Another reform that had the direct participation of Francisco Campos was, despite everything he previously defended in the opposite direction, the one that instituted the secret ballot in municipal and state elections (1927-1928). In the political field, however, his performance effectively increased in importance with the Liberal Alliance campaign and its unfolding in the process that culminated in the 1930 Revolution; The Liberal Alliance was created in 1929 to support the dissident candidacies of the presidents of Rio Grande do Sul, Getúlio Vargas, and of Paraíba, João Pessoa, for the presidency and vice-presidency of the Republic in the March 1930 elections. Delfim Moreira (1919) and Epitácio Pessoa (1922), a process of etiolation of the policy of concerted predominance of São Paulo and Minas Gerais was underway, leading to a Rio Grande do Sul that was often opposed. What accelerated this process, leading to the definitive split of the oligarchies that dominated the First Republic and the overthrow of the institutional framework of 1891, was the issue of succession. Around it would condense the contradictions between official policy and institutions, on the one hand, and the real situation of society and the economy, on the other; In mid-1928, when he realized that his candidacy – the tacit counterpart of the São Paulo-Minas agreement that had led Washington Luís to the presidency of the Republic – had become practically unfeasible, due to the president's obstinacy in making Júlio Prestes, president of São Paulo, his successor, Antônio Carlos began to seek an alliance with gaucho politics. Washington Luís wanted, contrary to republican practice, that the problem of presidential succession only be introduced into the national political debate from September 1929, six months before the elections. In June 1929, however, the issue was raised in the National Congress, and the Secretary of Public Safety of Mines, José Francisco Bias Fortes, addressed it in a speech at an official ceremony; On the 17th, negotiations between Minas and Rio Grande do Sul, ongoing since the beginning of the year, were translated into a secret agreement, the “Hotel Glória pact”, in Rio de Janeiro. Francisco Campos and the leader of the Minas Gerais group in the Chamber of Deputies, José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, brother of Antônio Carlos, represented the president of Minas Gerais. Vargas and the head of the Rio-Grandense Republican Party, Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros, were represented by the leader of the Rio Grande do Sul PRR group, João Neves da Fontoura. Under the agreement, the two states would support the candidacy of a miner proposed by Washington Luís; but, in case the president proposed a candidate from any other state, Minas would refuse and launch the name of a gaucho – Borges de Medeiros or Getúlio Vargas. Although a hypothetical and remote candidacy of Antônio Carlos was not ignored, the main meaning of the pact was to repudiate the name of Júlio Prestes; After an exchange of letters between Washington Luís, on the one hand, and Getúlio Vargas and Antônio Carlos, on the other, the Liberal Alliance was formed in early August. His program proposed granting a broad amnesty to all political prisoners, prosecuted and persecuted since July 5, 1922, in addition to secret ballot, at the forefront of a series of political reforms. Under the presidency of Antônio Carlos, the Liberal Alliance held its national convention on September 20, 1929, in Rio de Janeiro, ratifying the candidacies of Vargas and João Pessoa; As the date of the elections approached, the most radical politicians of the Liberal Alliance – such as Virgílio de Melo Franco from Minas Gerais and Gauchos João Neves, José Antônio Flores da Cunha, João Batista Luzardo and Osvaldo Aranha, Vargas’ Secretary of the Interior – reinforced the conviction that Washington Luís would prevent the opposition candidates from winning by all means. They thus began to contemplate the possibility of triggering an armed movement against the federal government. Since the end of 1929, they have been sought after by military revolutionaries from 1922 and 1924, such as Antônio de Siqueira Campos, Newton Estillac Leal, João Alberto Lins de Barros, Juarez Távora, Leopoldo Néri da Fonseca, Eduardo Gomes and Osvaldo Cordeiro de Farias. The main intermediary between the “tenentes” and the political forces from Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul was Virgílio de Melo Franco, who was a state deputy in Minas; This first phase of the conspiratorial movement did not yet imply preparation for armed struggle, with contacts being carried out in parallel with the opposition's electoral propaganda. Deep down, according to Virgílio de Melo Franco, the leaders of the three opposition states “were not at all resolved to appeal to the extreme recourse of revolution, if not as a last resort… Mr. Antônio Carlos, above all, had a supreme horror of the idea of revolution”; On March 1, 1930, it was not difficult for Washington Luís to obtain victory for Júlio Prestes and his running mate, Bahian Vital Soares, with a large difference in votes over the Liberal Alliance ticket. Then, the prospect of an armed movement gained momentum. At the end of March, Batista Luzardo, accompanied by Virgílio de Melo Franco, made contact with Epitácio Pessoa, in Petrópolis, and Antônio Carlos, in Minas, later heading to Porto Alegre, where he met with the political leaders from Rio Grande do Sul involved in the conspiracy, including Getulio Vargas. Then returning to Rio, he redid the previous script with Virgílio, confirming Antônio Carlos' support for the armed movement; In April, the revolutionary preparation scheme was transmitted by Virgílio, Luzardo and Luís Aranha, brother and emissary of Osvaldo Aranha, to Epitácio Pessoa, Artur Bernardes and Antônio Carlos. Osvaldo Aranha accelerated the conspiracy, ordering around 16 thousand contos de réis in war material and ammunition in Czechoslovakia. Rio Grande do Sul should participate with half of this sum, with six thousand contos for Minas and two thousand for Paraíba; Antônio Carlos agreed with the proposed scheme and instructed Francisco Campos to accompany Luís Aranha to Rio Grande do Sul, to verify in loco the progress of the preparations. He stayed in Rio Grande do Sul between April 18th and 27th, maintaining contacts with the politicians of the Ala Moça of the PRR and with Borges de Medeiros. With Vargas and Osvaldo Aranha, he agreed on the conditions for Minas Gerais to participate in the movement. The state's military task would consist of distracting the federal troops that were in it and closing the borders themselves, attracting more federal troops, who would thus be withdrawn from the southern border of São Paulo. The seditious counted on dominating the federal troops in Rio Grande do Sul and then marching towards the capital of the Republic; Back in Rio, Francisco Campos had an interview with Artur Bernardes and headed to Minas. Antônio Carlos authorized the start of material preparation for the movement. On May 27, the PRM executive committee unanimously approved Minas' participation in the movement. On June 1, Vargas launched a manifesto to the nation, denouncing the procedures of the federal government in the electoral process and affirming that “the necessary rectification is not far off, so that we can see Brazilian democracy in the regime that demands the happiness of the country”; In the following days, however, Antônio Carlos began to retreat. When he was informed of the choice of the date of July 16th for the outbreak of the movement, he showed hesitation and criticized what he considered rashness by the gauchos revolutionaries. In mid-June, frightened by signs that the movement was being poorly prepared, he accused Virgílio de Melo Franco and the other Minas Gerais activists of the conspiracy of involving him, as well as Minas Gerais, in a “crazy adventure”. Francisco Campos, wrote Virgílio, “with his skeptical temperament, did little to help us in the desperate effort we made to galvanize Andrada”; On June 17, Antônio Carlos ordered Francisco Campos to sign a radiogram to Osvaldo Aranha, stating that the president of Minas considered the movement to be entirely unarticulated, poorly prepared and unlikely to succeed, and proposing a concertation between Minas and Rio Grande do Sul. South with a view to a political campaign. Osvaldo Aranha responded by urging the government of Minas Gerais to define itself in relation to the armed struggle. On the 21st, Francisco Campos contacted Osvaldo Aranha again, reiterating that Antônio Carlos advocated, as a guideline, an exclusively political action. He added, in line with his opinion, but urged by Antônio Carlos, that the Minas Gerais president wanted to avoid the movement; Two days later, Aranha gave a harsh reply: he made the president of Minas bear the entire responsibility for the withdrawal. Worried about the repercussions of his attitude, Antônio Carlos sought to transfer responsibility for whether or not Minas would participate to Olegário Maciel, who was elected his successor as president of the state in March. At the end of the month, Getúlio, with the cover of the withdrawal of Antônio Carlos, withdrew himself, which led Osvaldo Aranha to resign from the Secretary of the Interior of the government of Rio Grande do Sul. The first attempt to start the revolution had failed; The murder of João Pessoa in Recife, on July 26, 1930, put the revolutionary perspective back on the agenda. There were comings and goings regarding the date on which it would be possible to break out the armed struggle. In Minas, the problem revolved around September 7, when the state presidency would be broadcast. Antônio Carlos wanted the revolution to break out under the government of Olegário Maciel, who in turn wanted the opposite. After all, Vargas and Osvaldo Aranha chose October 3rd; The revolution began in Porto Alegre at 5:30 pm on October 3rd. At 11 pm, all the military garrisons in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul were in control, with the exception of a cavalry battalion, which surrendered the following day. In Belo Horizonte, the fight started at the same time, but the resistance offered by the 12th Infantry Regiment (12th RI) was more tenacious: the regiment resisted the siege and attacks by the rebels (troops from the Public Force, for the most part) during five days. Odilon Braga, who had been Secretary of Security until September 7, articulated revolutionary activities in the capital of Minas Gerais. Francisco Campos, who had been replaced in the Secretariat of the Interior by Cristiano Machado, also acted as if he continued in the government, with the agreement of his replacement; On October 24, when the troops that left Rio Grande do Sul were already on the border between Paraná and São Paulo, Washington Luís was deposed in the federal capital, and a military junta took over the government. The junta's intentions were unclear. Its members declared themselves willing to accept that Vargas, the head of the movement, assume the presidency of a government collegiate. But Getúlio's plans did not foresee the sharing of power. He became head of the provisional government on November 3, after the junta gave in to the threat of rebel troops continuing their advance towards the then Federal District; The provisional government acquired legal status on November 11, through a decree signed by Vargas. Three days later, he created the Ministry of Education and Public Health and summoned Francisco Campos to assume it. According to Edgar Carone, before the revolution, Vargas assumed the commitment to give three ministries to Rio Grande do Sul, three to Minas and one to Paraíba. However, he was obliged to keep one of the members of the junta that had preceded him in the portfolio of the Navy, and the distribution of the other ministries did not follow the foreseen scheme; In the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was a mineiro, Afrânio de Melo Franco, who had taken over the portfolio on October 24, when the junta deposed Washington Luís. But Artur Bernardes and Olegário Maciel, the two politicians who came out strengthened in Minas with the revolutionary process, declared that Afrânio did not represent the policy of their state in the ministry and demanded that Mário Brant and Francisco Campos be nominated (Mário Brant went to the presidency of the Bank of Brazil). The reform of education in Minas Gerais projected Campos' name nationally, accrediting him to occupy the newly created Ministry of Education; The victory of the revolution strengthened, in Minas Gerais, the authority of Olegário Maciel – the only state ruler who was not replaced by a federal intervenor – and of the PRM, representative of the local dominant groups. The party's president, Artur Bernardes, had played an important role in the political preparation of the movement, maintaining a firm position, which contrasted with the vacillating conduct of Antônio Carlos and even Olegário Maciel; The post-revolutionary situation was unstable because it contained a contradiction between the objectives of the “tenentes” and young radical politicians of the Liberal Alliance, such as Osvaldo Aranha and Virgílio de Melo Franco, on the one hand, and those of the traditional political forces, on the other. For these, which Olegário, Bernardes and Antônio Carlos were part of, the revolution had been “an armed movement that aimed to re-establish the political game broken by São Paulo”. The intervention of the “lieutenants” in political life in Minas Gerais “had as its main objective the neutralization of the political power of the oligarchies, finding a target and resistance in the Bernardist faction”, as Helena Bomeny wrote, in a work published in the book Regionalismo e centralização politica; At the same time, the division had been installed within the PRM since the process of choosing Olegário Maciel for the state government, in October 1929, with the withdrawal of the candidacy of the then vice president of the Republic and former state president, Fernando de Melo Viana, and the subsequent creation of the Conservative Concentration, whose activity had robbed candidate Getúlio Vargas of many votes in Minas in the March 1, 1930 election. group that could serve as a support base for his government. Bernardes' influence in his government was great, and it seemed to grow after the triumph of the armed movement; Still in November 1930, the “tenentes” began to pressure Olegário in the sense of establishing an anti-Bernardista alliance. The most important target, however, was not exactly the presence of Bernardes in the political life of Minas Gerais, but above all the PRM and its system of power, as expressions of a mentality and practices that the revolution, in the conception of the “tenentes”, had come to eradicate. Osvaldo Aranha, Minister of Justice in the provisional government, and Francisco Campos considered it necessary to create a revolutionary party; Soon after the victory, the “tenentes”, under the leadership of lieutenant colonel Pedro Aurélio de Góis Monteiro, head of the revolutionary forces, and other military members of the government, such as Miguel Costa, João Alberto and Juarez Távora, created the Legião de October, also called the Revolutionary Legion. The first manifesto of the new organization was launched in São Paulo on November 12th. On the following 21st, Ministers Osvaldo Aranha, Francisco Campos, José Fernandes Leite de Castro (War) and Isaías de Noronha (Navy), in addition to Batista Luzardo, Chief of Police, and Góis Monteiro, sent a telegram to Olegário Maciel suggesting the creation of the Legion of October in Minas, as an instrument of defense and propagation of the ideals of the revolution. Francisco Campos would be the main architect of the organization and, as such, an instrument of Vargas, Osvaldo Aranha and Góis Monteiro in the struggle to destroy Bernardes' influence in Minas and, in the long term, destroy the PRM itself. “Representative of the new values originating from the decadent oligarchies”, wrote Norma de Góis Monteiro, “Francisco Campos combined his great intellectual capacity with an enormous desire for political ascension. Hence the ease with which he will adapt to all political injunctions, as long as he remains in power”; On November 26, Olegário dismissed three state secretaries linked to Bernardes – José Carneiro de Resende (Finance), Alaor Prata (Agriculture) and Cristiano Machado (Interior) –, replaced respectively by Amaro Lanari, Cincinato Noronha Guarani and Gustavo Capanema. On that occasion, Francisco Campos went to Minas to confer secretly with the president of Minas Gerais regarding the formation of the Legion of October in the state. It is presumed that his visit was related to the exonerations, as the new secretaries would be the leaders of the legion; Speaking of a trip he made to Rio on December 5, Gustavo Capanema, as quoted by Helena Bomeny, stated that Francisco Campos, after receiving him at the train station, “discussed the matter with me: liquidating Bernardes… Campos' initial plan it was not the founding of the legion or another party in Minas. It was the reorganization of the PRM executive committee with the liquidation of Bernardes. I found it difficult and risky. In addition to everything ungrateful and unfair... After several days of conversation, I returned... In the end, I came from Rio willing to help Campos in the slaughter of Bernardes”; Between the 6th and the 26th of December, Francisco Campos took over the Ministry of Justice on an interim basis, replacing the incumbent Osvaldo Aranha. On the 13th, Olegário Maciel sent a letter to Vargas designating Francisco Campos as representative of Minas Gerais with the provisional government; The Legião de Outubro was founded in Minas on February 27, 1931, through the manifesto distributed on that date in Belo Horizonte signed by Francisco Campos, Gustavo Capanema and Amaro Lanari, among others. According to the document, the legion would not be “a league of carbonari, nor a caste of agitators”, but “a group of patriots indissolubly linked by moral ties and only animated by the aspiration to work for Brazil”. The Legion of October came with a “double purpose: to defend the victory of the Brazilian revolution and to realize its ideals”. Defending the victory of the Brazilian revolution meant “combating all its enemies”, defined in “three categories: enemies from the old regime (deposed governors, hypocritical adherents and addicts and corrupt people of all kinds), enemies existing within the revolution itself (revolutionaries without conviction and lazy or skeptical revolutionaries) and enemies of external origin (all propagandists, preachers and apostles of exotic and inapplicable political doctrines for the solution of Brazilian problems)”. It was his duty, finally, "to maintain and strengthen the spirit of national unity and to preach and develop the high sentiments and great human virtues"; The Legion of October soon revealed its fascist character. On April 21, Francisco Campos organized a legion parade in Belo Horizonte. The legionnaires, a uniformed militia in khaki shirts, flocked from almost every town in the state. Olegário Maciel also wore a khaki shirt, over which, somewhat embarrassed, he put on a jacket, and greeted the procession from the balcony of the government palace; The organization then changed its name to Legião Liberal Mineira, becoming better known as Legião Mineira, and managed to recruit a large contingent of Perremists through pressure and intimidation. According to Helena Bomeny, ambiguity marked Legião from the beginning: “As a result of a lieutenant project, it found itself in the contingency of being implanted by oligarchic forces of the state. If ideologically it was characterized by criticism of oligarchic regionalism, in practice it was driven by sectors of the oligarchy”; At that time, Francisco Campos’ thinking leaned towards fascism, according to Wilson Martins, who transcribes Maurício de Lacerda’s account of a dialogue held with Campos a few days before the provisional government took office: “We strongly challenge such an oppressive orientation, which is the shame of Italian history and the opprobrium of modern Europe. He explained, somewhat hesitantly, that it was a fascism of ideas, of spirit, and not of compression methods. ”; At the end of March 1931, the provisional government reformed the Special Court that had been created the previous November with the aim of pointing out irregularities and corruption under the government of Washington Luís. The reform, which transformed the court into a Board of Sanctions, was carried out at a time when Artur Bernardes and more than a hundred deputies had been denounced. Three ministers – Osvaldo Aranha, Francisco Campos and Leite de Castro – were members of the Board of Sanctions, which in September was renamed the Administrative Correction Commission, retaining only Osvaldo Aranha from its former composition. The new commission, however, ended up dying forgotten; The main measures adopted by Francisco Campos in the Ministry of Education and Public Health date from April 1931. On the 11th, two decrees were signed. The first, containing the statute of Brazilian universities, stated that the university system was preferential to that of isolated higher schools. In order to give substance to the university idea, the decree established the requirement, for the foundation of university entities, of the existence of three higher education units – Law, Medicine and Engineering – or, in place of one of them, the Faculty of Education, Sciences and Letters. The second decree detailed the organization of the University of Rio de Janeiro (later the University of Brazil and the current Federal University of Rio de Janeiro); On April 18, the reform of secondary education was decreed, removing its character as a passage to college. In fact, it was from then on that secondary education began to exist in Brazil as it is conceived today. The course was extended to seven years, with five of the common fundamental part (which was later called high school) and two of a complementary course, “mandatory for candidates to enroll in certain institutes of higher education” (the supplementary course would unfold more later on “scientific” and “classical”, acquiring a life of its own, while access to higher education started to be done through entrance exams). Finally, on the 30th, the decree was signed that reintroduced, on an optional basis, religious teaching in official schools; The modernizing facet of Francisco Campos' thought, which constituted one of the ideological aspects of the formation of the Brazilian "technocracy", was the conceptual basis of the higher education reforms, as it appears in the explanations of reasons for the respective decrees: "Man's education does not it will never be done through the system of passive receptivity... True education concentrates its interest on the processes of acquisition rather than on the object they have in view, and its preference tends not towards the transmission of ready-made, finished and ready-made solutions. formulated, but for the directions of the spirit, trying to create, with the constitutive elements of the problem or the situation in fact, the opportunity and the interest for the inquiry, the investigation and the personal work in view of the proper and adequate solution and, if possible, individual and new”; The role of the school, he added, “is still growing with the transformations that contemporary life has been going through”. A little later, in a speech at the Bahia Faculty of Economics, he stated: “The world lives today under the sign of economics, as it once lived under the sign of religion and politics.” Hence the need for education “of a technical and professional nature”, which would allow managing the economy (“a managed economy is, above all, an organized and rationalized economy”). “Directing the national economy without an intense scientific and practical preparation of a body of technicians and experts destined to guide legislative measures and government interventions is, evidently, to pass from the most competent, which are the producers, to empiricism and official adventures the government of national wealth.”; Proclaiming the need for a “new school” did not prevent him from seeking to “recover lost values”, a task that only religious teaching, in his view, could fulfill. In a 1936 speech, he explained retrospectively that the reintroduction of religious teaching had implied "violating a political system that, in accordance with agnostic practices, liberals considered as one of the eternal categories of the human spirit". It was not, therefore, the act of a minister: “Only the dictator, guide and interpreter of the revolution, could break the shackles, extending the rupture of the current political system to the fundamental dogma of freedom of thought that the Masonic and freethinking inspirations of the liberalism of the 19th century they had postulated for their own beliefs and their own fanaticisms, excluding from privilege the great forms of religious thought and feeling”; In Minas Gerais, the reintroduction of religious teaching in public schools was seen as a way of strengthening the Legião Mineira through an alliance with the Catholic Church, an obvious beneficiary of a law that made the teaching of any of the religions dependent, in each school, request made by a group of at least 20 students. There were criticisms, formulated, according to Helena Bomeny, “from the assumption that the pact between the Legion and the Church would favor the development of the new association due to the propaganda that the latter would make in its favor. With regard to Francisco Campos, this alliance could revert to his own benefit, due to the prospect of support from the Catholic clergy in Minas Gerais for his rise to political office”; The trajectory of Francisco Campos in the Ministry of Education suffered a hiatus due to the political struggle in Minas Gerais and its reflections within the provisional government. As Minas' representative in the government, Campos had his own political means to intervene in his state. “The Legion”, wrote Helena Bomeny, “meant for him the opportunity to effectively ascend in the political scenario, since it effectively controlled state politics, through the close ties established with the Olegário Maciel government” (in a letter from June 1931 Osvaldo Aranha, a political leader from the interior of Minas Gerais, called Gustavo Capanema, Secretary of the Interior, Francisco Campos’ “message boy”); Osvaldo Aranha, one of the “men of the revolution”, had his own projects in relation to Minas Gerais policy. After the creation of the Legião Mineira, which represented a severe blow to the PRM, Bernardes' party resisted the harassment it suffered from the “tenentes” and opposing oligarchic forces. On August 15, 1931, a party convention began in Belo Horizonte, in an atmosphere of great agitation. Osvaldo Aranha organized a military coup to coincide with the meeting. His objective was to overthrow Olegário Maciel and place Virgílio de Melo Franco at the head of the government of Minas Gerais. The attempt was made on the 18th by the commander of the 12th Infantry Regiment, Colonel Júlio Pacheco de Assis, but it failed in the face of resistance from Olegário, backed by the Public Force and supported by Francisco Campos, Antônio Carlos and Venceslau Brás; Shortly afterwards, without alluding to the episode, which he said was a “mistake”, Osvaldo Aranha criticized Francisco Campos alongside Vargas, questioning the Education Minister's loyalty to the provisional government. Francisco Campos then resigned from his position, while Osvaldo Aranha did the same. Vargas did not accept Aranha's resignation, but accepted that of Francisco Campos, who on September 1 was replaced, on an interim basis, by Belisário Pena, director of the National Department of Public Health. On December 1st, after having spent some time in Minas, Francisco Campos resumed his portfolio, in the context of the attempt to compose the Minas Gerais policy then under way; Still in December, although it was out of the question to hand over state power to Bernardismo, it was perceived that it was not possible to govern Minas without the entirety of that faction. Bearing in mind, moreover, that the Legião Mineira had not been able to assert itself as an alternative party structure, the antagonistic forces began to negotiate an agreement inspired by Getúlio and with the intermediation of Gustavo Capanema. The idea was to merge the Legião Mineira and the PRM into a single party, thus constituting the base of support for the state and federal governments. In February 1932, this alliance, which became known as the Mineiro Agreement, resulted in the creation of the Social Nationalist Party, with Antônio Carlos, Bernardes, Venceslau Brás and Virgílio de Melo Franco on the board of directors; From then until the outbreak of the Constitutionalist Revolution in July 1932, Minas Gerais policy oscillated between defending the provisional government and supporting the São Paulo cause. And it was also around this insurrectionary movement that Francisco Campos resigned from the Ministry of Education, as well as from the Ministry of Justice, which he had accumulated on an interim basis since the collective dismissal, in early March, of Rio Grande do Sul representatives in the government provisional (including Maurício Cardoso, who replaced Osvaldo Aranha in the Ministry of Justice); During the Constitutionalist Revolution, Olegário Maciel wrote to Vargas accusing Francisco Campos, with whom he had broken politically, of participating in the articulations commanded by Artur Bernardes for the realization, in Minas, of an armed movement in support of São Paulo. Despite the improbability of this accusation, which nevertheless aroused Vargas' suspicions, on September 16, even before the Paulistas surrendered (October 2), Francisco Campos resigned from his ministerial posts. In the Education and Health portfolio, he was replaced by Washington Pires, a former federal deputy for Minas and the new state representative in the provisional government, appointed by Olegário Maciel. The Justice portfolio was assumed on an interim basis by Afrânio de Melo Franco, until the appointment, in November, of the new holder, Francisco Antunes Maciel; Still in 1932, when his poetry book Ciclo de Helena was published, Francisco Campos even applied for a vacancy at the Brazilian Academy of Letters, but withdrew after two postponements of the election due to lack of a quorum. In the same year, he opened a law firm in Rio and transferred to the National Faculty of Law as professor of philosophy of law; The new path to seek support from Minas Gerais policy for the provisional government was party reorganization in the state, with a view to elections for a national constituent assembly, promised by Vargas since May 1932. From the Legião Mineira, after the attempt to unify with the PRM on PSN, there was no structure of its own left. The idea of the mass reactionary party would remain, later translated into the creation, by Plínio Salgado, of the Brazilian Integralist Action. In February 1933, Olegário Maciel, Antônio Carlos, José Monteiro Ribeiro Junqueira, Gustavo Capanema and Virgílio de Melo Franco founded the Progressive Party of Minas Gerais, passing the weakened PRM to the definitive condition of opposition; Elections for the Constituent Assembly were confirmed for May 3, 1933. “If in the first years of the Revolution”, wrote Norma de Góis Monteiro, “everything seemed favorable to Campos, his ambiguity in action and speech would provoke in Minas Gerais politicians a distrust atrocious." Without a party legend, Campos ran as a separate candidate for the Constituent Assembly for Minas Gerais and suffered a resounding defeat. “At the state level”, comments the same author, “his political life had come to an end. Hence his definitive transfer to Rio. There, due to its intellectual capacity and reasonable relationship with the highest echelons of national politics, it may still find its way”; On November 23, 1933, while Minas was experiencing the succession crisis of Olegário Maciel (who died in September), Virgílio de Melo Franco obtained from Vargas his appointment as general consultant of the Republic, on an interim basis. Shortly afterwards, Campos took a leave of absence to represent Brazil at the VII Pan-American Conference in Montevideo, taking over again in January 1934. He took office on the following October 18; The re-constitutionalization of the country, with the approval of the Constitution of 1934 (July 16), did not open a period of political stability, but, on the contrary, of even greater instability, which would lead to the coup of November 10, 1937 and the implantation of the New State. The coup solution began to take shape, as a hypothesis, with the promulgation of the 1934 Charter and the confirmation of Getúlio Vargas as head of the Executive, a day later, by the constituents. The propensity to break constitutional legality, present in the first place in the armed forces, was stimulated by the communist insurrectionary attempt of November 1935. The state of siege was implemented, bringing with it the censorship of the press; Accused of involvement with the communists, under pressure from the Integralists and the most backward wings of the Catholic world, the mayor of the Federal District, Pedro Ernesto Batista, accepted on December 1, 1935 the resignation of his Secretary of Education, Anísio Teixeira, and appointed Francisco Campos to replace him. In April 1936, Pedro Ernesto would be arrested by order of police chief Filinto Müller. Canon Olímpio de Melo would assume the prefecture, keeping Francisco Campos in office. He was responsible for demolishing the work of Anísio Teixeira – the main exponent of the “new school” –, notably the Universidade do Distrito Federal, founded in 1934 and a favorite target of converging accusations by Catholics and Integralists; It was at this time that Francisco Campos established himself as one of the most important ideologues of the Brazilian right, in the company of Francisco José de Oliveira Viana and Antônio José de Azevedo Amaral. Already on September 28, 1935, in a lecture given at the School of Fine Arts, he saw the “primacy of the irrational” instituted in political life. As Wilson Martins wrote, who does not hesitate to consider this conference “one of the great texts of our political literature”, there politics was transformed into theology and man began to belong, “body and soul, to the nation, to the State, to the party”, adding to this value, charged with emotional electricity, the appearance of the “solar myth of the personality”, of the “charismatic personality”; A charismatic personality who “is the center of political integration”, Francisco Campos said at the time. “The more voluminous and active the masses, the more political integration becomes possible only through the dictates of a personal will. The political regime of the masses is that of dictatorship… There is a counterpoint relationship between the masses and Caesar. Ears accustomed to distinguishing, from a distance, the noise of things approaching, perceive, under the confused crowd of masses, whose shadow begins to dominate the horizon of our culture, the footsteps of the man of destiny..., a country that is not looking for a man, that is, a charismatic man or a man marked by destiny to give the aspirations of the mass a symbolic expression, imprinting the unity of a hard and powerful will on the chaos of anguish and fear that the pathos or demonia of collective representations is composed. There is not a people today that does not cry out for a Caesar.”; In March 1936, when welcoming the inauguration of Afonso Pena Júnior in the rectory of the University of the Federal District, he spoke about communism: “The monstrous internationalist ideologies only aim to weaken humanity in man to transform him more easily into a miserable herd animal, driven by hunger and fear.” In July, speaking about the reintroduction of religious teaching in public schools, he explained his anti-communist position, before alluding to the insurrectionary attempt of the previous November: “There are three ties that unite men – religion, family and country. Communism knows this more than anyone else. He fights the three at the same time and in each of them he fights the other two”; One of Francisco Campos' dearest ideas was the unity of a national state. According to Jarbas Medeiros, his thought, which would accredit him to set up the legal-institutional framework of the Estado Novo, can be summarized in the following aspects: 1) an apocalyptic vision of the period we were living (“never failed on such a large scale human trust in the coherence of the universe of thought and the universe of action”); 2) a vision of modern society as a “mass society” (“whoever wants to know the process by which political decisions are effectively formed today, contemplate the German mass, medusa under the charismatic action of the Führer”); 3) a vision of the modern State as an authoritarian and anti-liberal State (“what the totalitarian State accomplishes is – through the use of violence, which does not obey, as in democratic States, legal methods or the feminine mitigation of forensic chicanery – the elimination of external or overt forms of political tension”; “universal suffrage, direct representation, secret and proportional voting, the short duration of the presidential term were inappropriate, if not disastrous, means for democratic ideals”; “for political decisions, a parliament room has today the same importance as a museum room”); 4) an apology for the elites, seen as agents of history (“the transformations were not operated by the action of the primitive mentality of the multitudes and their leaders, but by the influence of science and the arts, philosophers, researchers, scientists, engineers, artists”); Throughout 1936, the candidacy of São Paulo governor Armando de Sales Oliveira for the presidential succession scheduled for 1938 was established. His candidacy was launched unofficially in December, when he left the government of his state to withdraw. At the same time, the hypothesis of a coup was transformed into a trend and this into a conscious articulation from the military hierarchy and the federal government; Getúlio, who tactfully managed the unfolding of the coup perspective and needed to gain time, settled, after examining other names, on the candidacy of José Américo de Almeida, officially launched on May 25, 1937. However, the coup articulation prospered, captained by the two strong men of the Army, Generals Góis Monteiro (Chief of the Army General Staff) and Eurico Gaspar Dutra (Minister of War); At the end of 1936, Francisco Campos, prompted by Vargas, adapted a substitute to the 1934 Constitution – which had not been convenient to present during the Constituent Assembly –, to transform it into a Constitution project to be granted after the coup d'état. In mid-1937, he completed this work with the collaboration, among others, of Vicente Rao, holder of the Ministry of Justice between July 1934 and January 1937. He also conducted, together with the national head of integralism, Plínio Salgado, the understandings aimed support of this movement to the coup. In mid-September, he met Plínio at Amaro Lanari's house. According to a report by the head of the AIB in a letter to Getúlio dated January 28, 1938, Francisco Campos handed him the text of the draft Constitution and, saying he was authorized by Vargas, asked for Plínio's support for the coup, giving 24 hours for the answer and requesting the most absolute secrecy; The following day, in a new meeting at Amaro Lanari's house, Plínio said that, although he was not in principle against the corporatist State, he considered the granting of a new Constitution unnecessary, deeming sufficient “reforms in the Charter of 1934, replacing universal suffrage by corporate vote and giving greater scope to the State regarding the powers of interference in the economic-financial pace and regarding the strengthening of central power”. And again: “Since I was unable to dissuade the government from the purpose of the grant and the government found itself supported, according to Dr. Campos assured me, through the Army and the Navy, that Integralism would not create difficulties, not least because it had no elements to oppose it and, in that case, I would trust in the patriotism of Mr. President of the Republic, whose nationalist purposes he did not question”; Asked about the situation of the AIB, Francisco Campos replied to Plínio that it “would be the base of the Estado Novo”, adding that Integralism should expand its staff to receive all Brazilians who wanted to support Vargas. He asked Plínio to spend eight days with the draft Constitution and present him with an opinion. There was another meeting at the end of the agreed period. Plínio Salgado thought that “the Constitution, as it stood, did not materialize the integralist doctrine, in its entirety”, but that the integralists, “faithful to our ethics”, would accept the fait accompli and would take the Constitution “as an initial step until reaching the organic democracy as we had dreamed”. He proclaimed the democratic character of Integralism and the difference of its project in relation to the fascist or Nazi regimes; "The Doctor. Francisco Campos, fully satisfied, declared smiling to Dr. Lanari who did not know that I was so liberal”, Pliny also wrote, adding: “For my part, as I know the fascist ideas of Mr. Campos, I imagined myself closer to the president's thinking than he was himself.” Finally, Francisco Campos gave Plínio the news of the apprehension of a document that “would create a great atmosphere for the coup, because in the face of such a document the communist danger was so serious that a state of war would become necessary”; On September 30, the conspiracy entered its final phase: the General Staff of the Army announced to the nation that it had apprehended “instructions from the Communist International (Komintern) for the action of its agents in Brazil”, constituting a plan to seize power. which was named the Cohen Plan. In fact, drawn up by Captain Olímpio Mourão Filho – head of the AIB secret service and an officer assigned to the Army General Staff –, the document, confirming Francisco Campos’ prediction of Plínio Salgado, served as a pretext, on an anti-Communist basis with anti-Semitic tinges, to the coup in march; On October 1, the Chamber of Deputies approved a message from the Executive asking for a new declaration of a state of war, which had been suspended in July. On the 18th, Gaucho governor José Antônio Flores da Cunha, harassed by the Army, Getúlio and the local opposition, resigned from his post and headed for Montevideo. He was one of the most important supporters of the candidacy of Armando Sales; On the 27th of October, with the coup already scheduled for the 15th of November, the Negrão de Lima Mission began. The mission of federal deputy Francisco Negrão de Lima, a representative from Minas Gerais, consisted of contacting the governors of the North and Northeast, informing them of the basic points of the institutional changes in preparation and probing them about their positions in the face of the coup. Before boarding a plane placed at his disposal by the government, Negrão went to Francisco Campos' house and read the text of the Constitution to be granted; All the governors consulted by Negrão declared their agreement with the coup, and he returned to Rio on November 1st. Before leaving for Minas – where Governor Benedito Valadares wanted to detain him to prevent him, harassed by parliamentarians and journalists, from committing any indiscretion –, he stopped by Francisco Campos' house and informed him, so that he could transmit the news to Getúlio, that he had fulfilled his mission; The nature of the Negrão de Lima Mission ended up being disclosed by Correio da Manhã, from Rio de Janeiro, on November 5, but Getúlio devised, with the help of Benedito Valadares, a scheme to deny the denunciation. Francisco Campos, much sought after, also denied to his interlocutors that the versions in circulation were true. On the 5th, claiming fatigue, the Minister of Justice, José Carlos de Macedo Soares, handed Vargas his letter of resignation. Hours later, Getúlio informed the senior military leaders that the new minister would be Francisco Campos; On the 8th, the text of the Constitution to be signed was examined at Francisco Campos' house by Góis Monteiro and by the Ministers of War, General Eurico Dutra, and of the Navy, Admiral Aristides Guilhem. The strong men of the military hierarchy agreed with the content of the Charter, introducing minor modifications in the provisions pertaining to the armed forces; On November 9, a manifesto by Armando Sales to military leaders was read in the Chamber of Deputies, asking them to guarantee the threatened constitutional order. In view of this, Getúlio gathered the ministry on the same day and brought forward the date of the coup, with the agreement of all, with the exception of Odilon Braga, Minister of Agriculture. Francisco Campos took office at the Ministry of Justice and Negrão de Lima was appointed his chief of staff. The coup was struck on the 10th, with the closing of the National Congress, the state assemblies and the city councils and with the granting of the new Constitution, which the new Minister of Justice announced as a “national remedy against the diseases that plagued the country"; In a long interview to the press still in November – and about whose negative repercussions in the United States the Brazilian ambassador in Washington, Osvaldo Aranha, would complain to Getúlio –, Francisco Campos stated that “the Revolution of 1930 only effectively took place in 10 November 1937”. Referring to the manifesto released by Vargas on that date, he observed that the country had lived, “for more than 40 years, in a theoretical constitutional regime and in a state of chronic unconstitutionality, poorly concealed by institutions that had already expired before they came to life”. He referred to the “monstrous apparatus” of the 1934 Constitution, of which one of the parts was the Legislative Power, whose “incapacity to legislate is today a definitive fact acquired not only by political science but also by the experience of representative institutions”. “Brazil was tired,” he went on. “Brazil was sick, Brazil didn't believe, Brazil didn't trust. Brazil asked for order, and, day by day, its state of disorder worsened”. Hence the granting of the new Constitution, whose characteristics he summarized; Restricting the use of universal suffrage – a “myth” –, the new Charter did nothing more than “accept a situation in fact, widespread in the world today”. “Most voters are not concerned with public affairs”, he explained, because “more and more the problems around which the struggle of the parties is wound up tend to be technical problems... unsuitable for provoking emotion in the masses.” Furthermore, since the education system was “more or less closed, accessible only to a small number”, the masses, ignorant, could not make decisions with knowledge of the facts: “The electoral mass remains in a state of naivety in relation to the problems capitals of politics and government”; “The new Constitution is profoundly democratic. By the way, the expression democratic… does not have a defined content, or does not connote eternal values.” According to Francisco Campos, the reigning democracy in the 19th century “was an attitude of revolt against the established order” and, consequently, “constitutions had an eminently negative character: they declared the limits of government”. However, “individual freedom and guarantees did not solve the problem of man”. In the new declaration of rights, “the citizen ceases to be a free man, or a man in revolt against power, to be the holder of new, positive and concrete rights… The principle of freedom did not guarantee anyone the right to work, to education, security. Only the strong State can exercise fair arbitration”; “In the liberal regime”, he added, “a new economic and political feudalism was organized.” The corporate regime that he intended to see implemented “does not exclude freedom; it only makes its exercise just.” Since “political and economic liberalism leads to communism” (which would be based, “precisely, on the generalization to economic life of the principles, techniques and processes of political liberalism”), the remedy would be corporatism, which “kills communism as liberalism generates communism. Corporatism interrupts the process of decomposition of the capitalist world predicted by Marx as a result of liberal anarchy”; Jarbas Medeiros summarized the main lines of the 1937 Constitution as follows: “a) the preeminence of the Federal Union over the states and municipalities; b) the preeminence of the Executive Power over the other powers of the State; c) the preeminence of the State's interests over the interests of individuals and 'intermediate' associations. This political hierarchy legally structured the Constitution. Legislative power in it is exercised simultaneously by three bodies: a) the President of the Republic; b) Parliament – Chamber of Deputies and Federal Council; c) the Council of the National Economy, charged with giving a corporative structure to our economic system.” All these bodies would be constituted by indirect vote; Other characteristics of the 1937 Charter, according to the same author, would be: “Individual rights and guarantees are limited to the extent of the interests of the political and social order, and prior censorship of the press was established. In the economic order, a compromise was attempted between the private sector... and the corporate organization of the economy... The social and labor legislation is enshrined in the body of the Constitution, prohibiting strikes.” The text provided for the “progressive nationalization of mines, mineral deposits and waterfalls or other sources of energy, as well as industries considered basic or essential to the economic or military defense of the Nation”. In addition to maintaining the state of war, it created a state of emergency. “During their validity”, continues Jarbas Medeiros, “the Constitution would cease to be in force in the parts indicated by the President of the Republic… The Transitional Provisions already declared the state of emergency in force in the country, which remained under it until 1945. authorized the president to issue decree-laws 'until the national Parliament met' and this, in the state of emergency, was not summoned, the entire period of the Estado Novo was administered by the decree-law regime”; As Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco and Raimundo Faoro wrote in the entries “Law” and “Constitution” of the encyclopedia Mirador, “the Constitution of the Estado Novo was never applied”. Vargas “did not want to carry out the measures that the Constitution foresaw as necessary for its entry into force. He preferred to govern indefinitely, without any system limiting his powers, assigning them an extension that Article 180… invariably referred to, was far from containing”; The two authors explain that the practical unfeasibility of the Constitution devised by Francisco Campos, affiliating itself with “European models, especially Polish (hence the derogatory nickname of “Polish”) and Italian”, was due to the fact that “the conditions in Brazil were different from those of other countries that have adopted anti-democratic systems”. The jurist from Minas Gerais followed the path of his predecessors, “such as Antônio Carlos and Carneiro de Campos, for the Constitution of the Empire of 1824; Rui Barbosa and the members of the Commission of Five, for the Constitution of the Republic of 1891; Assis Brasil, João Mangabeira and Oliveira Viana, for the Constitution of 1934. Francisco Campos followed their method by adopting, without adapting, principles recently established in countries very different from Brazil”

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149

Paulo de Frontin -

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74

Estácio Coimbra - Yes. -

Henrique Dodsworth - Yes. -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

uncertainty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary:

Themes:

ABC -

ABL -

AIPB -

AM-B -

AL -

Anarchism -

1891 Constitutional Assembly -

ABE -

ABI -

ACSP -

ACRJ -

AVANTI! -

Brazil Bank -

National Flag -

Imperial Family Ban -

A Batalha -

Workers and peasants bloc -

Bolivia Syndicate -

Salvador bombing -

Borracha -

Bota-Abaixo -

Caixa de aposentadorias e pensões de estradas de ferro -

Campanha Civilista -

False letters -

CACO -

Centro acadêmico XI de agosto -

CIESP -

Centro dom vital -

CIB -

A cigarra -

Clarté -

Classe operária -

Clube de engenharia -

Clube militar -

Clube naval -

Clube republicano -

Código civil de 1916 -

Coligação Católica Brasileira -

Coluna Prestes -

Comissão de diplomação dos eleitos/Comissão de verificação de poderes -

Confederação geral do trabalho -

COB -

Conferencias de Paz de Haia (1899 e 1907) -

Conferencias pan-americanas -

CNT -

1891 Constitution -

Convenio de Taubaté -

Colarinho Roosevelt -

Coronelismo -

Correio da manhã -

Correio do povo -

Correio Paulistano -

1929 Crisis -

Crítica -

O Cruzeiro -

Damas da cruz verde -

Defesa nacional -

DNSP -

Dia do soldado -

Diário carioca -

Diário da Bahia -

Diário da manhã -

Diário da noite -

Diário de notícias (RJ) -

Diário de notícias (salvador) -

Diário de pernambuco -

Diário de SP -

Diário nacional -

Diário oficial -

Diplomacia das canhoneiras -

Dom Quixote -

Doutrina Drago -

Electron -

ELEIÇÃO A BICO DE PENA -

ENCILHAMENTO -

ESCOLA DO RECIFE -

ESCOLA MILITAR DA PRAIA VERMELHA -

ESCOLA MILITAR DO REALENGO -

ESQUERDA, A -

ESTADO DE MINAS -

ESTADO DE S. PAULO, O -

EXPOSIÇÃO DO CENTENÁRIO DA ABERTURA DOS PORTOS -

EXPOSIÇÃO INTERNACIONAL DO CENTENÁRIO DA INDEPENDÊNCIA DO BRASIL -

FEDERAÇÃO, A -

FEDERAÇÃO BRASILEIRA PELO PROGRESSO FEMININO -

FLORIANISMO -

FLUMINENSE, O -

FON FON -

FUNDING LOANS (1898, 1914 e 1931) -

GAZETA, A -

IMIGRAÇÃO -

IMPOSTO DE RENDA -

ITABIRA IRON ORE COMPANY -

IFOCS -

JACOBINISMO -

Silva Jardim (republican stuff) -

JORNAL DO BRASIL -

JORNAL DO COMÉRCIO -

JORNAL, O -

JOVENS TURCOS -

KLAXON -

LANTERNA, A -

LEI DO SORTEIO MILITAR -

LEI ELÓI CHAVES -

LEIS ADOLFO GORDO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA CONTRA O ANALFABETISMO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA PELOS ALIADOS -

LIGA DA DEFESA NACIONAL (LDN) -

LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

LIGA DE AÇÃO REVOLUCIONARIA -

LIGA NACIONALISTA DE SÃO PAULO (LNSP) -

LIGA PRÓ-SANEAMENTO DO BRASIL -

LIGHT -

MAÇONARIA -

MARAGATOS, PICA-PAUS E CHIMANGOS -

MUTUALISMO -

NAÇÃO, A -

NACIONALISMO -

Nicanor do Nascimento -

NOITE, A -

NOTÍCIA, A -

OCUPAÇÃO BRITÂNICA DA ILHA DA TRINDADE -

OLIGARQUIAS -

ORDEM, A -

PACTO BRIAND-KELLOG -

PACTO DE PEDRAS ALTAS -

PAÍS, O -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA CONFERÊNCIA DE PAZ DE VERSALHES -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA PRIMEIRA GUERRA MUNDIAL -

PÁTRIA, A -

PLATEIA, A -

PLEBE, A -

POLÍTICA COMERCIAL NA PRIMEIRA REPÚBLICA -

POLÍTICA DAS SALVAÇÕES -

POLÍTICA DOS GOVERNADORES -

POSITIVISMO -

POVO, O -

PRIMEIRO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

Proclamação da República -

PROJETO DE PACTO DO ABC DE 1909 -

QUESTÃO MILITAR -

QUESTÃO PANTHER -

RAZÃO, A -

REAÇÃO REPUBLICANA -

REARMAMENTO NAVAL (1910) -

RECONHECIMENTO DO REGIME REPUBLICANO -

REFORMA DA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1891 -

REFORMA DO SERVIÇO DIPLOMÁTICO (1895) -

REFORMAS EDUCACIONAIS -

RETIRADA DO BRASIL DA LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

REVISTA DA SEMANA -

REVISTA DE ANTROPOFAGIA -

REVISTA DO BRASIL -

REVISTA ILUSTRADA -

REVOLTA DA ARMADA -

REVOLTA DA CHIBATA -

REVOLTA DA VACINA -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1922 -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1924 -

REVOLUÇÃO DE 1930 -

REVOLUÇÃO FEDERALISTA -

REVOLUÇÃO GAÚCHA DE 1923 -

SEDIÇÃO DE JUAZEIRO -

SEGUNDO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

SEMANA DE ARTE MODERNA -

SINDICALISMO -

SINDICALISMO AMARELO -

SINDICATO -

SISTEMA ELEITORAL -

SAIN -

SRB -

STF -

STM -

TARDE, A -

TENENTISMO -

TERRA LIVRE, A -

TRATADO DE LOCARNO -

TRATADO DE PETRÓPOLIS -

TRATADOS DE FIXAÇÃO DE LIMITES TERRITORIAIS -

TRIBUNAL DE CONTAS -

UFAM -