User:Caio79 (Brazil)

HeDing text
1889: The Viscount of Ouro Preto (Liberal)

1889-1890: Viscount of Maracaju (Independent)

1890-1891: Deodoro da Fonseca (Conservative)

1891-1893: Antônio da Silva Prado (Conservative)

1893-1895: -(Conservative)

1895-1898: Joaquim Nabuco (Liberal)

1898-1899: - (Conservative)

1899-1902: Rui Barbosa (Liberal)

(Failed coup/Chaos)

1902 - 1906: Military (1906)

(Failed coup/Chaos)

1906 - 1907: (1907)

1907 - 1909: Júlio Bueno Brandão (Liberal Conservative)

1909 - 1910: Rodrigues Alves (Liberal Conservative)

1910 - 1911: Júlio Bueno Brandão (Liberal Conservative)

1911 - 1915: Minas Gerais clique hardliner type (1912)

1915 - 1917: Epitácio Pessoa (Liberal Conservative)

(1917) 1917 - 1919: Artur Bernardes (Liberal Conservative)

1919 - 1921: Independent nobleman, dinstant relative to the imperial family (Made the Paulistas fall a bit)

(1921) 1921 - 1924: far-right clique, kinda outsider

(1924) 1924 - 1926: Radical/Independent, Diplomat and politician (incapable)

(1926) 1926 - 1929: Gaucho/Northern clique (Forced to resign, puppet of some guy)

1929 - 1930: Diplomat and ideologue (Interim) (São Paulo - far right clique compromise) (Some crisis idk)

(1930) 1930 - 1932: Washington Luís (Liberal Conservative)

1930 - 1940: Plínio Salgado (Integralist)

May 1940 - June 1941: Military

June 1941 - June 1942: Center Left

June 1942 - December 1942: Center Left

December 1942 - July 1943 : Center Right

July 1943 - March 1946: Osvaldo Aranha (1943, 1946) (Liberal Nationalist)

March 1946 - July 1949: Center Left

(1949) July 1949 - March 1951: Minority Center Left

March 1951 - November 1954: Center (1952)

November 1954 - May 1955: Caretaker

May 1955 - October 1956: Alberto Pasqualini (Labor)

October 1956 - March 1957: Center

March 1957 - May 1958: Center Left

May 1958 - November 1958: Center Left

November 1958 - August 1959: Caretaker

(1959) August 1959 - January 1960: Center Left

January 1960 - July 1962: Center

July 1962 - April 1963: Center minority

(1963) April 1963 - December 1964: Center

December 1964 - September 1965: Caretaker

September 1965 - December 1968: Afonso Arinos (June 1968) (Progressive)

December 1968 - February 1972: Juscelino Kubitschek (Progressive)

February 1972 - November 1974: Center Right (1972) (Brazilian Democratic)

November 1974 - August 1979: Leonel Brizola (July 1976) (Labor)

(1979) August 1979 - Octouber 1980: Ulysses Guimarães (Progressive)

October 1980 - December 1982: Itamar Franco (Labor)

December 1982 - August 1983: Magalhães Pinto (National Democratic)

(1983) August 1983 - April 1987: Center Left

April 1987 - July 1987: Center Right

(1987) July 1987 - April 1988: Center Left

April 1988 - July 1989: Center Left

July 1989 - June 1992: Center Left

(1992) April 1992 - April 1994: Fernando Collor

April 1994 - June 2000: Silvio Santos (1994, 1998)

June 2000 - April 2002: Enéas Carneiro

(2002, 2006) April 2002-2009: Lula

2009-2010: Gilberto Gil

2010-2011: Lula (2010)

2011-2014: Marta Suplicy

(2014) 2014-2018: Levy Fidelix

(2018) 2018-2022: Ciro Gomes

Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. -

Cesário Alvim - Yes. -

Antônio da Silva Prado - Maybe. -

Francisco de Assis Rosa e Silva - Yes.

Afonso Pena - Yes. -

Joaquim Nabuco - Yes. -

Barão do Rio Branco - Yes. -

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. -

Paulino de Sousa - Yes. -

Marquês de Muritiba - No. -

Visconde de Sinimbu - No. -

José Antônio Saraiva - No. -

João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira - No. -

Eduardo Wandekolk - Yes. -

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Mariano Carneiro da Cunha - Yes. -

Carlos de Laet - No. -

Alberto Torres - Yes. -

Viscount of Taunay - No. -

António Luis von Hoonoholtz - No. - Baron of Tefé -

Lafayatte Rodrigues - No.

Antônio Marcelino Nunes Gonçalves - No. - Viscount of São Luis do Maranhão -

Oligarchy:

Epitácio Pessoa - Yes. - 2nd Baron of Lucena - Still gets a seat around the same time as otl thanks to the support of local politicians; Liked Deodoro but not Floriano; Could be a minister of justice or foreign affairs; Elaborated a civil code while minister of justice in 1900 but was only approved in 1916 under the Brás government; Elaborate an upopular and rigid school code in 1901, tried to convince Salles to take action against the protests but he refused and later resigned of the office in the same year; Was a lawyer for sometime until Salles made him supreme court justice in 1902; 5 months later he was made general prosecutor while also being in the STF, he resigned of the office after Rodrigues Alves entred in conflict with J. J. Seabra; In 1909 Rio Branco trusted him the elaboration of a project of public international law code, done by the II pan-american conference in RJ in 1906 under the presidency of Joaquim Nabuco; Supported J. J. Seabra and denied the habeas corpus to the opposition governor of Bahia that was deposed in 1912; In June 1912 the junta internacional dos juridescontos met in order to examinate the projects of the international public and private law code according to the 1906 II pan-american conference, he was the Brazilian delegate along with Candido de Oliveira and presided the meeting; A month later he retired from the STF due to health concerns; Later in the same year he ran for a senate seat at the request of Paraiba politicians, his first speech was of self-defense, defending the legitmacy of his retirement; Supported Hermes da Fonseca who was been criticised by the press due to political militarism; In 1915 he became the political boss of his state; Was a member of the comission for legislation and justice of the senate; Was against the recognition of children born out of adultery or incest; After the death of Pinheiro Machado he ascended to a higher status on the senate; Supported amnesty to those who participated in the revolta da armada; Endores Rodrigues Alves in his second candidacy; Was the Brazilian delegate to the versailles conference at the request of Domício da Gama and returned with successful negotiations; Was indicated to be the successor of Delfim Moreira at the PRM's intiative, considering him a "neutral candidate", something that made him surprised; Ruy Barbosa alleged that he left the STF due to "physical incapabilties" to distance him from the dispute; Resited the pressure of military circles and appointed civilians to military ministries, declaring that the objective was to free the officers from administriative and political problems and to interest civilian elements in the study and decision of military problems, he later said in his book that idea came to him after seeing that in European countries; He entred office in 1917 while Brazil suffered from a strike problem, refering to the situation as a financial crisis he highlighted inflation problems, carestia de vida, financial deficit of foreign loans that already totalized two contracts of the funding loan in 16 years; Adter Brazil participated in the 1919 conferation of labor in Washington he urged the congress to sign labor laws about work hours and protections for children, women and health, the idea was met with a lack of interest by them; Despite government repressions the strikes from early 1917 continued until 1919; In Janaury 1921 the Adolfo Gordo law regulamented the repression of anarchism and sanctions against those accused of depedration, bomb making and other ilegal activities, as well as the closing of trade unions and other civilian organisations; Ruy Barbosa left his office as the representative of Brazil in the league of nations due to Pessoa's intervention in favor of the Bahia stablishment and made passionate statements about it; In 1920 Epitacio felt losing his independence of party functions due to pressure from the big states to fight the crisis, specially those of SP, whose governor Washington Luís, threatned giving up support on him after his heavy intervention against congress interrupting a project of emission asked by said state; The conflict continued after the discussion of a project to created new taxes, attaclrd by RS, SP and RJ, the publication of an article atributed to Pessoa in the jornal do comércio that criticised the big states, lead to the majority leader Carlos de Campos leaving in protest, despite all this the project came to be in 1921; In Novemeber Hermes da Fonseca came back to Brazil and became the natural leader of the military in reaction to the government, in the next year officers had a few conflicts with minister Calógeras; The opposition of the big states against Pessoa lead to the states of the north searching a balance with southern forces, but said efforts failed and lead to him gaining an even lower image; He refused to indicate someone for president but desired for the vp to be a northerner, a conflict between Bahia's J. J. Seabra and Pernambuco's José Bezerra lead to Maranhão's Urbano Santos gaining the office, BA and PE then allied with RS against Bernardes; In January 1922 he vetoed the army budget due to it presenting a deficit higher than 350.000 bucks, despite the protests along eith threats about calling the STF, the budget was approved; Between the annoucement of the results of the 1922 election the military made a few revolts, Epitacio repressed them and declared a state of siege where several people were jailed and he lei da Impresa was made (probably censorship); He was criticised about letting the revolt happen instead of avoiding it, accuing him of ditatorial measures; The main initiatives of the Epitácio Pessoa government were the creation of the National Department of Public Health in the Ministry of Justice, the transfer of the Fishing Service from the Ministry of Agriculture to the Navy, with the aim of nationalizing fishing activities, and the creation of several bodies and divisions in the Ministry of Agriculture to meet specific objectives. Still in this ministry, the government created, with the aim of alleviating problems related to the cost of living, the Superintendence of Supply, which replaced the Commissariat of Food, an entity organized in 1917 with the purpose of regulating trade conditions made difficult by virtue of the war. Pressured by the producers who complained about the Commissariat's action, but pressured by agrarian agitations, when taking over the government Epitácio decided to institute an intermediary, transitional mechanism, in charge of promoting the “gradual and cautious return to full freedom of transactions”. In addition to imposing restrictive measures, the Superintendence regulated free fairs and free zones.; An important initiative was also the impetus given to the plan to combat droughts in the Northeast, which, however, would later be abandoned during the Artur Bernardes government. Through Decree No. 3965, of December 25, 1919, the works against droughts began, awarded by contract to three foreign firms, which, for infringing the norms of public competition, cost Epitácio's plan severe criticism from the opposition. In the teaching and education sector, the government created, on September 7, 1920, the University of Rio de Janeiro, initially constituted by the Polytechnic School and by the faculties of Medicine and Law of Rio.; Aiming to implement the steel industry in Brazil, Epitácio supported the project of the Itabira Iron Ore Company, whose representative was the North American Percival Farquhar. The contract was signed in 1920 and, according to its terms, the company could export iron ore from the deposits of Itabira, currently Itabira do Mato Dentro (MG), undertaking, in return, to build and operate blast furnaces, power plants of steel and rolling trains, as well as two railroads that would depart from Itabira and the port of Santa Cruz (ES), joining the Vitória-Minas Railroad. For Epitácio, due to the problem with the exchange box, any inflow of foreign capital should deserve government support, and Itabira would employ around 60 million dollars in the country. The contract, however, generated intense controversy, as opposition circles considered it harmful to national interests. The most serious opposition to the Itabira contract came from the government of Minas Gerais, both in the Artur Bernardes administration and in the of his successor, Raul Soares.; Epitácio handed over the presidency to his successor, Artur Bernardes, on November 15, 1922, and the following day he left for Europe, where he remained until July 1923. In September of that last year, the Council of the League of Nations appointed him to fill the vacancy left open at the Permanent Court of International Justice in The Hague following the death of Rui Barbosa; On the eve of the homage, Correio da Manhã, the newspaper that had led the strong opposition campaign during his government, in an editorial accused the former president of the Republic of having received bribes from some sugar exporters. According to the newspaper, Epitácio would have accepted a jewel offered to his wife in exchange for the suspension of certain restrictive measures issued by the Supply Superintendence regulating the export of that product. According to the journalist Mário Rodrigues – author of the article and director of the newspaper in the absence of Edmundo Bittencourt –, this measure led to the export of large quantities of sugar, carried out by the “hoarders” Araújo Franco and Dias Tavares, resulting in the lack and raising the price of the product to the detriment of the popular economy. Called “The Reprobate” by the columnist, Epitácio sued Mário Rodrigues in court, which convicted him of the crime of slander.; Supported by João Suassuna; Disliked Luís's financial reform based on monetary stabilization; Supported João Pessoa and the 1930 revolution; Due to his ascention seemingly being linked to the death of Machado and WWI maybe if he were to become PM it should be around either in the 1900s to 1910s or as an interim, or maybe he just stays doing diplomatic or law work

Rodrigues Alves - Yes. -

Francisco Campos - Yes. -

Artur Bernardes - Yes. -

Júlio Bueno Brandão - Yes. - Liberal Party guy; Was already in politics during the empire but had republican sympathies; Was a judge; Became a senator in 1898; reforma da lei eleitoral; In 1910 he was elected president of Minas Gerais. Among the measures taken during his second government, the expansion of the public education network through the creation of schools in several cities in Minas Gerais, the increase in the railway network in the state, the adoption of policies to encourage immigration and the settlement of nuclei stand out. colonies, administrative reform and the execution of the regional and municipal development project.; In 1913 he had his name nominated for vice-presidency of the Republic on the ticket of gaucho José Gomes Pinheiro Machado, but he did not accept the nomination, arguing that national political leaders sought to remove the São Paulo candidate Campos Sales and reduce the influence of Minas Gerais in the elections. On the occasion, aiming to consolidate the power of his state in Brazilian politics, he articulated with the then president of São Paulo Rodrigues Alves the so-called Pact of Ouro Fino, an alliance that would consolidate the hegemony of São Paulo and Minas Gerais through the election of Venceslau Brás for the Presidency of the Republic in the quadrennium 1914-1918.; After the end of his term as president of Minas Gerais in 1914, he transferred the government to Delfim Moreira and returned to Ouro Fino. He returned to exercise elective office in 1916, when he was elected and took a seat in the Minas Gerais State Senate for a few months, replacing Gomes Freire de Andrade, who had recently died. In 1917 he was elected federal deputy for Minas Gerais and took office in September. Re-elected to the 1918-1920 and 1921-1923 legislatures, he chaired the House Board of Directors from 1920 to 1921 and the Finance Committee in 1923. In 1924 he was elected senator again. He lost his mandate with the victory of the Revolution of 1930, when all legislative bodies in the country were dissolved. During his last legislative term, he chaired the Finance Committee and acted as majority leader in budget discussions, in addition to having represented Brazil at the Interparliamentary Conference on Commerce held in Paris (1928).; Died in 1931; Works as an early oligarchy leader, around the 1900s to 1910s, he could even start it considering his work in the ouro fino pact. he would also be skeptical of Isabel's influence

Hermes da Fonseca - Yes. -

Washington Luís - Yes. -

Altino Arantes - Yes. - Finishing his preparatory studies at Colégio São Luís, in Itu (SP), at the age of 16 he entered the Faculty of Law of São Paulo and there participated in Bucha, a secret society that prospered in that academy and played an important role in the São Paulo policy. Graduating in 1895, he opened a law firm in Batatais; He was elected federal deputy for the Paulista Republican Party (PRP) for the 1906-1908 and 1909-1911 legislatures. In the Chamber of Deputies, his main speeches dealt with the appreciation of coffee, the Caixa de Conversão and the expulsion of foreigners. He also opposed the suppression of the Brazilian diplomatic representation in the Vatican. In 1911, he resigned from office to take over the Interior Affairs Secretariat of São Paulo, in the government of Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins (1908-1912). He remained in office during the São Paulo presidency of Rodrigues Alves (1912-1916), during which time he was also interim secretary of Finance and Agriculture. During his administration, he was especially concerned with primary education, particularly in rural areas of the state, and with public hygiene. He was also one of the main supporters of the creation of the Faculty of Medicine of São Paulo, in 1912. In 1914, he assumed the presidency of the National Defense League, a civic entity that defended compulsory military service; Member of the steering committee of the PRP, in the succession of Rodrigues Alves, he was nominated candidate for vice president of the state on the list headed by João Álvares Rubião Júnior. With his death during the campaign, he replaced him as candidate for president, thanks to the decisive support of Rodrigues Alves. This choice, however, contradicted a wing of the party led by Júlio de Mesquita, who opened a dissent during the November 1915 convention, in which his candidacy was ratifie; Elected president of São Paulo in March and sworn in in May 1916, he governed the state until 1920, having thus faced the difficult period of workers' strikes from 1917 to 1919, against which he acted with severe repressive measures. During his administration, he always defended São Paulo's interests with the Union government, protesting when the Federal Treasury created a new tax that disproportionately fell on São Paulo's industry. In effect, the federal government increased its collection in São Paulo, whose share in the total tax revenue rose from 1/3 to 50%. On the other hand, he obtained loans from the federal government in order to buy the surplus coffee crop, in order to avoid the drop in the price of the product. He also signed an agreement with the president of Paraná for an amicable solution to the question of pending boundaries between the two states; In March 1918, Rodrigues Alves was elected for the second time President. With the worsening of his health, however, he was unable to take office on November 15, being replaced by Vice President Delfim Moreira. With his death in January 1919, new elections were called. Altino Arantes was one of the names remembered for the presidential succession, but his candidacy, forwarded by the PRP, was vetoed by the Republican Party of Minas Gerais (PRM). To preserve the São Paulo-Minas alliance, Epitácio Pessoa was chosen as candidate; After leaving the São Paulo government in 1920, handing it over to Washington Luís, Altino Arantes returned to the Chamber of Deputies in 1921, renewing his mandate until 1930. However, he remained linked to the politics of his state. In 1924, he opposed Washington Luís' nomination of Carlos de Campos as his successor in the presidency of São Paulo, while at the same time protesting the PRP's nomination of Lacerda Franco's name to the Federal Senate. By virtue of this position, he led the formation of a dissident wing of the PRP, known as “coligados”, to run in elections against the official ticket.; With the capture of the state capital by the Tenente revolt in July 1924, which led to the abandonment of the city by President Carlos de Campos, supported Mayor Firmiano Pinto's initiative to stop direct understandings with the revolutionaries in order to avoid prolong the disorder in the city. Still during the government of Carlos de Campos, he was the first president of the Bank of the State of São Paulo; In 1930, he headed the Commission for the Recognition of Powers that examined the results of the March elections, having approved the mass non-recognition (or “beheading”) of candidates elected by the Liberal Alliance in Paraíba and Minas Gerais. His performance in this episode earned him a strong opposition campaign driven by Diário Nacional, an organ of the Democratic Party (PD) of São Paulo. With the victory of the October Revolution of 1930, and the dissolution of the country's legislative bodies, he lost his mandate.; With the deepening of the conflict between the federal government and the political forces of São Paulo, the PRP and the PD allied themselves, giving rise to the Frente Única Paulista (FUP). On February 16, the FUP released a manifesto proclaiming the union of São Paulo parties in the fight for the prompt re-constitutionalization of the country and for the restitution to São Paulo of the autonomy it had been deprived of since the revolution. Altino Arantes also signed this manifesto and, when the evolution of the crisis resulted in the outbreak of the Revolution of 1932, he actively participated in the movement. He collaborated with Colonel Euclides Figueiredo in preparing the armed struggle plan, and during the conflagration he spoke on Rádio Bandeirantes, condemning the federal government and supporting the struggle of the people of São Paulo. When victory by arms proved impossible, he adhered to Raul Pilla and Borges de Medeiros' armistice proposal. With the defeat of the Constitutionalist Revolution, he went into exile in Lisbon; Back in Brazil in 1934, he assumed the presidency of the PRP and the following year he even ran for indirect elections for the government of São Paulo, being however defeated by Armando de Sales Oliveira, who since 1933 had been governing the state as a federal intervenor. In 1938, already under the Estado Novo, he held the position of vice-president of the Brazilian delegation to the VIII International American Conference, held in Lima, as plenipotentiary minister. After the fall of the Estado Novo, he was elected in December 1945 deputy for São Paulo to the National Constituent Assembly in the Republican Party (PR) caption. He participated in the works that resulted in the promulgation of the new Constitution (9/18/1946) and, in the ordinary legislature that followed, he was a member of the Constitution and Justice Commission and opposed the annulment of the mandates of communist parliamentarians; Could be used between the early 1920s to the late years of the regime, probably as Bernardes' Paulista sucessor

Venceslau Brás - Yes. -

Silviano Brandão - Yes. - He studied humanities at the Episcopal Seminary and took the preparatory course at the annex of the Faculty of Law of São Paulo. He graduated from the Faculty of Medicine of Rio de Janeiro in 1875. Upon graduation, he transferred to Ouro Fino (MG), where he practiced for about a year until moving to Pouso Alegre (MG) in 1876; In Pouso Alegre he was active in the defense of republican ideals, participating in the founding of the Republican Club in 1877. He joined political activity being elected by the Liberal Party deputy to the Provincial Assembly for the 1880-1881 legislature. During his mandate, he defended the autonomy of municipalities and the creation of new administrative units in the border regions of Minas, as a strategy to guarantee the political and economic strengthening of the province and undermine conflicts with neighboring provinces. From this initiative emerged the cities of Ouro Fino, Jacuí and São João Nepomuceno, and the region of Manhuaçu; In 1881 he was elected deputy general for Minas Gerais. He defended the creation of the Sapucaí railroad and was sympathetic to the abolitionist ideas that were fermenting at that time. In supporting the project that defended the release of sixty-year-olds, he aroused a strong conservative reaction, which prevented him from being re-elected. Thus, he left the Chamber of Deputies in 1884. He was elected again in 1889, but did not get to assume the mandate due to the proclamation of the Republic; In the Republic, he was elected senator for the Constituent Congress of Minas Gerais, with a mandate from 1891 to 1895. He was the draftsman of the first Municipal Organization Law (Law No. from governor to state president. In 1892 he resigned from office after being invited by the then state president Afonso Pena (1892-1894) to assume the Secretariat of the Interior and Justice. That same year, he was one of the founders of the Faculdade Livre de Direito de Minas Gerais and the first occupant of the chair of legal medicine, which he resigned in 1895; After refusing to be a candidate to succeed Afonso Pena, he was elected state senator again in 1895. He was president of the Senate of Minas Gerais, but in 1898 he resigned from office for having been elected president of the state of Minas Gerais for the period from March 7, 1898 to September 7, 1902, succeeding Bias Fortes. At the head of the government of Minas Gerais, he sought measures to rebalance the state economy, shaken by the financial crisis in the coffee sector at the end of the 19th century, resulting from international destabilization. To this end, he carried out a program to contain public spending, rationalize the tax system and massive investments in agricultural activity. Among other measures, he implemented the territorial tax to replace the export tax (Decree No. 1495, of May 4, 1901), with which he managed to increase the resources destined to the rural economy, and established several agricultural colonies. He achieved his purposes, presenting at the end of 1902 a picture of stable dividends and increased confidence in the state's credit; While he was president of Minas, the president of the Republic was Campos Sales from São Paulo. And it was Campos Sales who organized the so-called “policy of the governors”, which consisted of an agreement between the presidency of the Republic and the state oligarchies with the aim of strengthening and stabilizing the republican regime. As president of the state that had the largest bench in the Chamber, he gave full support to Campos Sales, to transform the process of recognition of election results. As it had the largest group, the support of Minas was essential for maintaining the balance of power sought and established with such a policy; Upon leaving the government of Minas Gerais, where he was replaced by Joaquim Cândido da Costa Sena on February 21, 1902, he was elected vice-president of the Republic on the ticket headed by São Paulo Rodrigues Alves. However, he did not take office, as he died on September 25, 1902. His place was taken by Afonso Pena; Nothing really remarkable besides supporting coffee and milk politics, I guess he can be stock liberal mineiro for the late 1890s

Fernando de Melo Viana - Yes. -

Pandiá Calógeras - Yes. -

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. -

Júlio Prestes - Yes. -

José Maria Wihtaker - Yes. -

Pinheiro Machado - Yes. -

Delfim Moreira - Yes. -

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes.

Adolfo Bergamini - Yes. - Still in 1908, he joined as a reporter at Gazeta de Notícias, passing in the same year to O Século and Folha do Dia, in which he worked until 1912. For about six years, starting in 1913, he was a legal editor for the Jornal do Comércio. In 1917 he served in the military enlistment, in the Ministry of War, and in 1919 he graduated from the Faculty of Law of Rio de Janeiro. In the same year, having abandoned Jornal do Comércio, he founded O Jornal with Renato de Toledo Lopes, where he would remain until 1925; Adolfo Bergamini entered politics in 1921, being elected municipal mayor of Rio de Janeiro, a position for which he was re-elected in 1923. As mayor, he was president of the Instruction Commission and representative of the Municipal Council on a trip to Argentina and Uruguay, to reciprocate the visit of municipal councilors from these countries; In 1924, he was elected to the Chamber of Deputies for the Federal District. In the same year, at the invitation of Edmundo Bittencourt, he assumed, together with Senator Antônio Muniz Sodré, the direction of the newspaper Correio da Manhã, at the head of which he would remain until October 1930. Taking advantage of his parliamentary immunity, he circulated the newspaper, closed under the state of siege decreed by the Artur Bernardes government (1922-1926). In the Chamber, alongside João Batista de Azevedo Lima and João Batista Luzardo, he engaged in a parliamentary battle in opposition to Bernardes and the state of siege. He was the only federal deputy to show solidarity with Azevedo Lima's protest against the bombing of the city of São Paulo, carried out in July 1924 by government forces against the revolutionaries who had taken over the capital of São Paulo; On February 24, 1927, he was re-elected as a federal deputy. In July that year, alongside Azevedo Lima, Maurício de Medeiros and José Adriano Marrey Júnior, he managed to delay, in the Chamber, the processing of the so-called “Celerada Law”, raising regimental questions. Much opposed by the opposition, the law aimed to repress strike movements, stipulating prison sentences for their promoters. It also allowed for intervention in associations and unions and authorized the federal government, then exercised by Washington Luís (1926-1930), to prohibit the dissemination of propaganda that it considered contrary to public order and security. Amidst announcements of threats by the Third International to Brazil, the law was finally approved in August 1927; Adolfo Bergamini was one of the founders in Rio de Janeiro, in November of the same year, of the National Democratic Party (PDN), whose objective was to unite the oppositions from all over the country for a broader action, on a national scale. Chaired by Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil, the association repeated in its program the points enunciated by the Democratic Party (PD) of São Paulo, plus an item on the “Celerated Law” and topics on foreign policy. In 1928, the PDN promoted rapprochements with the exiled “tenentes”, participants in armed movements against the government in the 1920s. in the struggle for electoral victory in the election scheduled for 1930; In December 1928, Bergamini was one of the speakers at the rally summoned to protest against the annulment of the election of the oppositionist Ferdinando Laboriau as mayor of the Municipal Council. Laboriau, who had died days before without having taken office, was also the “rapporteur of the election”, in charge of giving an opinion on filling the last chair of the council. The vacancy was contested by Minervino de Oliveira, from the Bloco Operário e Camponês (BOC), the electoral front of the Brazilian Communist Party, then called the Communist Party of Brazil (PCB), and Sirínio Carreiro de Oliveira, a situationist. The small difference in votes between the two had provoked a fierce fight for the impugnation of polls. The government supporters then proposed annulling Laboriau's election, which would allow the use of the two candidates for the seat. Despite accusations of fraud launched by the opposition, this was the measure approved; In early 1929, public opinion polls on the succession presidential election of 1930, printed daily by Correio da Manhã, indicated the lieutenant leader Luís Carlos Prestes as first place, followed, with a small difference, by Adolfo Bergamini. According to these polls, both ranked ahead of Júlio Prestes, the president of Minas Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada and the president of Rio Grande do Sul Getúlio Vargas. In August 1929, the PDN joined the Liberal Alliance, a movement organized in favor of the candidacies of Getúlio Vargas and João Pessoa, respectively for the presidency and vice-presidency of the Republic. In the Federal District, Bergamini was one of those who joined the Alliance right from the start and in this sense developed energetic parliamentary activity. He belonged to the executive committee of the movement, in charge of developing electoral propaganda and maintaining permanent contacts with Antônio Carlos and the liberal candidates; In the Chamber, with the aim of always keeping the attack on the government lit, Bergamini suggested that minority deputies sign up en masse to occupy the tribune at office hours. Faced with this disposition by the opposition, President Washington Luís sought to alter the House's bylaws. Having failed, he tried to deny a number for the opening of the sessions, but the alliance leaders attended massively. However, they were prevented from voting on the motion that blamed the government for the collapse of the coffee defense plan. At the suggestion of Adolfo Bergamini, the aliancistas promoted, on November 25, 1929, a popular rally in front of the Tiradentes Palace, in Rio de Janeiro, as a way to compensate for the “corking” of the Chamber of Deputies by the government; In January 1930, during the electoral campaign, Adolfo Bergamini and Batista Luzardo accompanied Getúlio Vargas to São Paulo. Getúlio, who had been in Rio de Janeiro since December of the previous year to present his platform, had made an agreement with Washington Luís whereby, among other things, he had promised not to go to São Paulo on campaign. However, after discussing the matter with Lindolfo Collor, he was convinced of the advantages of going to the capital of São Paulo; Around that time, Bergamini, who was running for a new term in the Chamber, was the object of a campaign to annul his candidacy, on the grounds that he was of Italian nationality. His opponents claimed that his baptism record had not been found in Cataguases. The deputy defended himself vehemently, instituting, in February 1930, a justification process in which several witnesses testified, who confirmed Cataguases as his birthplace. And, on March 19, Bergamini was reelected deputy for the Federal District, in the PDN caption. Shortly before the outbreak of the revolution in October 1930, Bergamini held rallies in opposition to the established government. One of them was on September 5th, held in Rio de Janeiro in favor of amnesty and in which Batista Luzardo, Odilon Braga, João Neves da Fontoura and José Antônio Flores da Cunha also participated. In the same month, alongside Maurício de Lacerda, Lindolfo Collor and other supporters, Bergamini launched a campaign against the São Paulo police, blaming them for the disappearance of André Trifino Correia and three Rio journalists; In the first months of his administration, committees of investigation to discover irregularities and scandals of the previous administration. However, nothing has been found in this regard. Bergamini promoted the construction of school buildings, as well as the opening and widening of public roads. He drew up and put into practice a plan to pay the overdue salaries of city government employees and settle the floating debt, through the issuance of policies that became known as “bergaminias”; Alongside Getúlio Vargas, José Américo de Almeida and Lindolfo Collor, Bergamini was one of those who received at the Catete Palace, on May 24, 1931, the members – around 15 thousand people – of the workers’ march in support of the provisional government and of acclamation to the first measures of Lindolfo Collor at the head of the Ministry of Labor. The movement was considered a response to the “Hunger March”, sponsored by the Communist Party (PCB), which did not actually take place, as its articulation was disrupted by the police; During his administration, Bergamini received concentrated attacks from the Clube 3 de Outubro, a tenentista organization that advocated the installation of an investigation committee to examine the accusations of corruption made against his intervention. With this objective in mind, a commission of inquiry was set up, which asked Vargas to step down from office. As the immediate cause of this request, the commission pointed to the decree in which the intervenor had revoked the provisional tax established on salaries of municipal civil servants, ordering the return of the amounts deducted until then. The measure had been considered a ploy to gain popularity; Almost at the end of his administration, Adolfo Bergamini still sought, through the decree of September 14, 1931, to give new organization to the City Hall of the Federal District, whose administration would be exercised by the head of the local Executive Power, assisted by secretariats and commissions to be instituted. The decree, however, was never put into practice. Opposition from the Clube 3 de Outubro and frequent accusations from those who contested Bergamini's Brazilian nationality contributed to his decision to leave the interventoria; Thus, ten days after having decreed the aforementioned changes administrative matters, he left the post and was temporarily replaced by Colonel Julião Freire Esteves. Finally, on September 30, 1931, the position was effectively occupied by Pedro Ernesto Batista. This, although he revoked the decree of September 14th and re-established the previous organization, later took advantage of part of the propositions contained therein; Adolfo Bergamini was editor of Diário Carioca from 1932 to 1934, having also directed for years, until his death, the forensic journal Tribuna Judiciária. In October 1934, he was again elected deputy for the Federal District, in the party of the Democratic Economist Party. He took office in May 1935 and was chosen chairman of the House Judiciary Committee. Contrary to totalitarian tendencies, he fought fascism on the tribune of the Instituto dos Advogados do Brasil in 1937. In the same year, with the advent of the Estado Novo and the consequent closure of all legislative bodies in the country, he ended parliamentary activity and began to exercise the advocacy; Late 20s when shit hits the fan, fails most of his stuff

Afrânio de Melo Franco - Yes. -

Olegário Maciel - Yes. -

Miguel Costa - Yes. -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

Uncertanty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary: