User:Caio79 (Brazil)

HeDing text
Soon

Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. -

Cesário Alvim - Yes. -

Antônio da Silva Prado - Maybe. -

Francisco de Assis Rosa e Silva - Yes.

Afonso Pena - Yes. -

Joaquim Nabuco - Yes. -

Barão do Rio Branco - Yes. -

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. -

Paulino de Sousa - Yes. -

Marquês de Muritiba - No. -

Visconde de Sinimbu - No. -

José Antônio Saraiva - No. -

João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira - No. -

Eduardo Wandekolk - Yes. -

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Mariano Carneiro da Cunha - Yes. -

Carlos de Laet - No. -

Alberto Torres - Yes. -

Viscount of Taunay - No. -

António Luis von Hoonoholtz - No. - Baron of Tefé -

Lafayatte Rodrigues - No.

Antônio Marcelino Nunes Gonçalves - No. - Viscount of São Luis do Maranhão -

Oligarchy:

Epitácio Pessoa - Yes. - 2nd Baron of Lucena - Still gets a seat around the same time as otl thanks to the support of local politicians; Liked Deodoro but not Floriano; Could be a minister of justice or foreign affairs; Elaborated a civil code while minister of justice in 1900 but was only approved in 1916 under the Brás government; Elaborate an upopular and rigid school code in 1901, tried to convince Salles to take action against the protests but he refused and later resigned of the office in the same year; Was a lawyer for sometime until Salles made him supreme court justice in 1902; 5 months later he was made general prosecutor while also being in the STF, he resigned of the office after Rodrigues Alves entred in conflict with J. J. Seabra; In 1909 Rio Branco trusted him the elaboration of a project of public international law code, done by the II pan-american conference in RJ in 1906 under the presidency of Joaquim Nabuco; Supported J. J. Seabra and denied the habeas corpus to the opposition governor of Bahia that was deposed in 1912; In June 1912 the junta internacional dos juridescontos met in order to examinate the projects of the international public and private law code according to the 1906 II pan-american conference, he was the Brazilian delegate along with Candido de Oliveira and presided the meeting; A month later he retired from the STF due to health concerns; Later in the same year he ran for a senate seat at the request of Paraiba politicians, his first speech was of self-defense, defending the legitmacy of his retirement; Supported Hermes da Fonseca who was been criticised by the press due to political militarism; In 1915 he became the political boss of his state; Was a member of the comission for legislation and justice of the senate; Was against the recognition of children born out of adultery or incest; After the death of Pinheiro Machado he ascended to a higher status on the senate; Supported amnesty to those who participated in the revolta da armada; Endores Rodrigues Alves in his second candidacy; Was the Brazilian delegate to the versailles conference at the request of Domício da Gama and returned with successful negotiations; Was indicated to be the successor of Delfim Moreira at the PRM's intiative, considering him a "neutral candidate", something that made him surprised; Ruy Barbosa alleged that he left the STF due to "physical incapabilties" to distance him from the dispute; Resited the pressure of military circles and appointed civilians to military ministries, declaring that the objective was to free the officers from administriative and political problems and to interest civilian elements in the study and decision of military problems, he later said in his book that idea came to him after seeing that in European countries; He entred office in 1917 while Brazil suffered from a strike problem, refering to the situation as a financial crisis he highlighted inflation problems, carestia de vida, financial deficit of foreign loans that already totalized two contracts of the funding loan in 16 years; Adter Brazil participated in the 1919 conferation of labor in Washington he urged the congress to sign labor laws about work hours and protections for children, women and health, the idea was met with a lack of interest by them; Despite government repressions the strikes from early 1917 continued until 1919; In Janaury 1921 the Adolfo Gordo law regulamented the repression of anarchism and sanctions against those accused of depedration, bomb making and other ilegal activities, as well as the closing of trade unions and other civilian organisations; Ruy Barbosa left his office as the representative of Brazil in the league of nations due to Pessoa's intervention in favor of the Bahia stablishment and made passionate statements about it; In 1920 Epitacio felt losing his independence of party functions due to pressure from the big states to fight the crisis, specially those of SP, whose governor Washington Luís, threatned giving up support on him after his heavy intervention against congress interrupting a project of emission asked by said state; The conflict continued after the discussion of a project to created new taxes, attaclrd by RS, SP and RJ, the publication of an article atributed to Pessoa in the jornal do comércio that criticised the big states, lead to the majority leader Carlos de Campos leaving in protest, despite all this the project came to be in 1921; In Novemeber Hermes da Fonseca came back to Brazil and became the natural leader of the military in reaction to the government, in the next year officers had a few conflicts with minister Calógeras; The opposition of the big states against Pessoa lead to the states of the north searching a balance with southern forces, but said efforts failed and lead to him gaining an even lower image; He refused to indicate someone for president but desired for the vp to be a northerner, a conflict between Bahia's J. J. Seabra and Pernambuco's José Bezerra lead to Maranhão's Urbano Santos gaining the office, BA and PE then allied with RS against Bernardes; In January 1922 he vetoed the army budget due to it presenting a deficit higher than 350.000 bucks, despite the protests along eith threats about calling the STF, the budget was approved; Between the annoucement of the results of the 1922 election the military made a few revolts, Epitacio repressed them and declared a state of siege where several people were jailed and he lei da Impresa was made (probably censorship); He was criticised about letting the revolt happen instead of avoiding it, accuing him of ditatorial measures; The main initiatives of the Epitácio Pessoa government were the creation of the National Department of Public Health in the Ministry of Justice, the transfer of the Fishing Service from the Ministry of Agriculture to the Navy, with the aim of nationalizing fishing activities, and the creation of several bodies and divisions in the Ministry of Agriculture to meet specific objectives. Still in this ministry, the government created, with the aim of alleviating problems related to the cost of living, the Superintendence of Supply, which replaced the Commissariat of Food, an entity organized in 1917 with the purpose of regulating trade conditions made difficult by virtue of the war. Pressured by the producers who complained about the Commissariat's action, but pressured by agrarian agitations, when taking over the government Epitácio decided to institute an intermediary, transitional mechanism, in charge of promoting the “gradual and cautious return to full freedom of transactions”. In addition to imposing restrictive measures, the Superintendence regulated free fairs and free zones.; An important initiative was also the impetus given to the plan to combat droughts in the Northeast, which, however, would later be abandoned during the Artur Bernardes government. Through Decree No. 3965, of December 25, 1919, the works against droughts began, awarded by contract to three foreign firms, which, for infringing the norms of public competition, cost Epitácio's plan severe criticism from the opposition. In the teaching and education sector, the government created, on September 7, 1920, the University of Rio de Janeiro, initially constituted by the Polytechnic School and by the faculties of Medicine and Law of Rio.; Aiming to implement the steel industry in Brazil, Epitácio supported the project of the Itabira Iron Ore Company, whose representative was the North American Percival Farquhar. The contract was signed in 1920 and, according to its terms, the company could export iron ore from the deposits of Itabira, currently Itabira do Mato Dentro (MG), undertaking, in return, to build and operate blast furnaces, power plants of steel and rolling trains, as well as two railroads that would depart from Itabira and the port of Santa Cruz (ES), joining the Vitória-Minas Railroad. For Epitácio, due to the problem with the exchange box, any inflow of foreign capital should deserve government support, and Itabira would employ around 60 million dollars in the country. The contract, however, generated intense controversy, as opposition circles considered it harmful to national interests. The most serious opposition to the Itabira contract came from the government of Minas Gerais, both in the Artur Bernardes administration and in the of his successor, Raul Soares.; Epitácio handed over the presidency to his successor, Artur Bernardes, on November 15, 1922, and the following day he left for Europe, where he remained until July 1923. In September of that last year, the Council of the League of Nations appointed him to fill the vacancy left open at the Permanent Court of International Justice in The Hague following the death of Rui Barbosa; On the eve of the homage, Correio da Manhã, the newspaper that had led the strong opposition campaign during his government, in an editorial accused the former president of the Republic of having received bribes from some sugar exporters. According to the newspaper, Epitácio would have accepted a jewel offered to his wife in exchange for the suspension of certain restrictive measures issued by the Supply Superintendence regulating the export of that product. According to the journalist Mário Rodrigues – author of the article and director of the newspaper in the absence of Edmundo Bittencourt –, this measure led to the export of large quantities of sugar, carried out by the “hoarders” Araújo Franco and Dias Tavares, resulting in the lack and raising the price of the product to the detriment of the popular economy. Called “The Reprobate” by the columnist, Epitácio sued Mário Rodrigues in court, which convicted him of the crime of slander.; Supported by João Suassuna; Disliked Luís's financial reform based on monetary stabilization; Supported João Pessoa and the 1930 revolution; Due to his ascention seemingly being linked to the death of Machado and WWI maybe if he were to become PM it should be around either in the 1900s to 1910s or as an interim, or maybe he just stays doing diplomatic or law work

Rodrigues Alves - Yes. - 21 - Conservative

Francisco Campos - Yes. - 48

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149

Hermes da Fonseca - Yes. - 20 - Conservative

Washington Luís - Yes. - 16 - Liberal or Conservative

Altino Arantes - Yes. - Finishing his preparatory studies at Colégio São Luís, in Itu, at the age of 16 he entered the Faculty of Law of São Paulo and there participated in Bucha, a secret society that prospered in that academy and played an important role in the São Paulo policy. Graduating in 1895, he opened a law firm in Batatais; He was elected federal deputy for the Paulista Republican Party for the 1906-1908 and 1909-1911 legislatures. In the Chamber of Deputies, his main speeches dealt with the appreciation of coffee, the Caixa de Conversão and the expulsion of foreigners. He also opposed the suppression of the Brazilian diplomatic representation in the Vatican. In 1911, he resigned from office to take over the Interior Affairs Secretariat of São Paulo, in the government of Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins (1908-1912). He remained in office during the São Paulo presidency of Rodrigues Alves (1912-1916), during which time he was also interim secretary of Finance and Agriculture. During his administration, he was especially concerned with primary education, particularly in rural areas of the state, and with public hygiene. He was also one of the main supporters of the creation of the Faculty of Medicine of São Paulo, in 1912. In 1914, he assumed the presidency of the National Defense League, a civic entity that defended compulsory military service; Member of the steering committee of the PRP, in the succession of Rodrigues Alves, he was nominated candidate for vice president of the state on the list headed by João Álvares Rubião Júnior. With his death during the campaign, he replaced him as candidate for president, thanks to the decisive support of Rodrigues Alves. This choice, however, contradicted a wing of the party led by Júlio de Mesquita, who opened a dissent during the November 1915 convention, in which his candidacy was ratifie; Elected president of São Paulo in March and sworn in in May 1916, he governed the state until 1920, having thus faced the difficult period of workers' strikes from 1917 to 1919, against which he acted with severe repressive measures. During his administration, he always defended São Paulo's interests with the Union government, protesting when the Federal Treasury created a new tax that disproportionately fell on São Paulo's industry. In effect, the federal government increased its collection in São Paulo, whose share in the total tax revenue rose from 1/3 to 50%. On the other hand, he obtained loans from the federal government in order to buy the surplus coffee crop, in order to avoid the drop in the price of the product. He also signed an agreement with the president of Paraná for an amicable solution to the question of pending boundaries between the two states; In March 1918, Rodrigues Alves was elected for the second time President. With the worsening of his health, however, he was unable to take office on November 15, being replaced by Vice President Delfim Moreira. With his death in January 1919, new elections were called. Altino Arantes was one of the names remembered for the presidential succession, but his candidacy, forwarded by the PRP, was vetoed by the Republican Party of Minas Gerais (PRM). To preserve the São Paulo-Minas alliance, Epitácio Pessoa was chosen as candidate; After leaving the São Paulo government in 1920, handing it over to Washington Luís, Altino Arantes returned to the Chamber of Deputies in 1921, renewing his mandate until 1930. However, he remained linked to the politics of his state. In 1924, he opposed Washington Luís' nomination of Carlos de Campos as his successor in the presidency of São Paulo, while at the same time protesting the PRP's nomination of Lacerda Franco's name to the Federal Senate. By virtue of this position, he led the formation of a dissident wing of the PRP, known as “coligados”, to run in elections against the official ticket.; With the capture of the state capital by the Tenente revolt in July 1924, which led to the abandonment of the city by President Carlos de Campos, supported Mayor Firmiano Pinto's initiative to stop direct understandings with the revolutionaries in order to avoid prolong the disorder in the city. Still during the government of Carlos de Campos, he was the first president of the Bank of the State of São Paulo; In 1930, he headed the Commission for the Recognition of Powers that examined the results of the March elections, having approved the mass non-recognition (or “beheading”) of candidates elected by the Liberal Alliance in Paraíba and Minas Gerais. His performance in this episode earned him a strong opposition campaign driven by Diário Nacional, an organ of the Democratic Party of São Paulo. With the victory of the October Revolution of 1930, and the dissolution of the country's legislative bodies, he lost his mandate.; With the deepening of the conflict between the federal government and the political forces of São Paulo, the PRP and the PD allied themselves, giving rise to the Frente Única Paulista. On February 16, the FUP released a manifesto proclaiming the union of São Paulo parties in the fight for the prompt re-constitutionalization of the country and for the restitution to São Paulo of the autonomy it had been deprived of since the revolution. Altino Arantes also signed this manifesto and, when the evolution of the crisis resulted in the outbreak of the Revolution of 1932, he actively participated in the movement. He collaborated with Colonel Euclides Figueiredo in preparing the armed struggle plan, and during the conflagration he spoke on Rádio Bandeirantes, condemning the federal government and supporting the struggle of the people of São Paulo. When victory by arms proved impossible, he adhered to Raul Pilla and Borges de Medeiros' armistice proposal. With the defeat of the Constitutionalist Revolution, he went into exile in Lisbon; Back in Brazil in 1934, he assumed the presidency of the PRP and the following year he even ran for indirect elections for the government of São Paulo, being however defeated by Armando de Sales Oliveira, who since 1933 had been governing the state as a federal intervenor. In 1938, already under the Estado Novo, he held the position of vice-president of the Brazilian delegation to the VIII International American Conference, held in Lima, as plenipotentiary minister. After the fall of the Estado Novo, he was elected in December 1945 deputy for São Paulo to the National Constituent Assembly in the Republican Party caption. He participated in the works that resulted in the promulgation of the new Constitution (9/18/1946) and, in the ordinary legislature that followed, he was a member of the Constitution and Justice Commission and opposed the annulment of the mandates of communist parliamentarians; Could be used between the early 1920s to the late years of the regime, probably as Bernardes' Paulista sucessor

Venceslau Brás - Yes. - Elected state deputy in 1892, he remained in the Chamber of Minas Gerais until 1898, when he took over the Interior Secretariat of the government headed by Silviano Brandão, which lasted until 1902. He then won the mandate of federal deputy for the legislature that began in 1903, becoming leader from the Minas Gerais bench and, shortly after, from the majority in Congress. Reelected, he remained in the Chamber of Deputies until 1908. On April 3, 1909, he took over the government of his state, replacing Vice President Júlio Bueno Brandão, who in turn replaced João Pinheiro da Silva, who died on October 25, 1908. He was in office when, in March 1910, he was elected Vice-President of the Republic on the ticket headed by Marshal Hermes da Fonseca. In September of the same year, he transferred the government of Minas Gerais to Júlio Bueno Brandão, who assumed the state presidency for the second time, now elected for the four-year period 1910-1914; With the problem of the succession of Hermes da Fonseca in 1913 raised, Senator José Pinheiro Machado from Rio Grande do Sul began articulations around his own candidacy. A politician endowed with great prestige and influence, a friend of the president, Pinheiro Machado was considered by a good part of the state governments and by the majority of Congress the most suitable name to assume the leadership of the federal government. However, the presidents of Minas Gerais and São Paulo, mindful of their states' power of influence, signed the Ouro Fino Pact, providing for mutual consultation to choose a common candidate. At the same time that opposition to Pinheiro Machado was growing stronger, Bahia launched the name of Rui Barbosa. The attempt to bring together these two postulants did not work out, causing an impasse that created conditions for the launch of Venceslau Brás by the governments of Minas Gerais and São Paulo. Pinheiro Machado ended up supporting the candidate from Minas Gerais, who defeated Rui Barbosa in the March 1914 elections, with Urbano Santos, president of Maranhão, as his running mate; Venceslau Brás took over the federal government on November 15, 1914, shortly after the outbreak of World War I. Right at the beginning of his mandate, he was faced with a serious political impasse in the state of Rio de Janeiro, where two candidates considered themselves elected president of the state by the Legislative Assembly. Feliciano Sodré, Pinheiro Machado's coreligionist, had the express support of the majority of deputies, but the minority, who held control of the table, obtained, through habeas corpus, the recognition of the Federal Supreme Court for the election of Nilo Peçanha. Dissatisfied with this decision, the majority requested federal intervention, but Venceslau Brás opted for compliance with the court decision, thus going against the position of Pinheiro Machado, who went on to oppose the federal government until he died in 1915. Venceslau began to fully exercise the political leadership of the country, immediately resolving the dispute over the leadership of the government of Mato Grosso. In 1916, he promoted the solution of the border issue between Paraná and Santa Catarina in the Contestado region, where, after successive military expeditions, the Army managed to crush a popular revolt of a messianic nature that had lasted since 1912; Despite the neutrality adopted by the government of Venceslau Brás in the first years of the world conflict, the Brazilian economy suffered the repercussions of the international financial crisis and had its capacity to import reduced, which caused an increase in the production of the national industry to replace imports. The government then adopted a series of measures, such as issuing Treasury bills, reducing public expenditure, encouraging the setting up of steel mills and the exploitation of coal deposits, and the construction of professional schools to train specialized workers. Aiming to combat the high prices caused by speculation, it also created the Commissariat for Food, in charge of setting prices for basic necessities, inspecting warehouses, establishing points of sale, fixing freight prices, etc.; The government of Venceslau Brás also multiplied the war shots, aimed at training reservists for the Army, and equipped the Navy Arsenal, in Rio, with new facilities. He encouraged the adoption of public tenders in the civil administration and, on January 1, 1917, enacted the new Civil Code. In the following October, he obtained approval from Congress for the declaration of war on Germany due to the torpedoing of some Brazilian ships by submarines from that country. Shortly afterwards, Brazil sent an expeditionary force to Europe commanded by Admiral Pedro Max de Frontin to help patrol the North Atlantic; In his last year of government, Venceslau Brás promoted the fight against the Spanish flu epidemic. He supported the victorious candidacy of Rodrigues Alves for the presidency and, with his inauguration on November 15, 1918, temporarily withdrew from public life, settling in Itajubá; During the São Paulo revolt of July 1924, General Isidoro Dias Lopes, commander of the rebel contingents, proposed his name to compose a provisional board formed by “national names of recognized probity and confidence of the revolutionaries”, who would replace President Artur Bernardes. This proposal was not considered by the government, which managed to expel the rebels from the capital of São Paulo after three weeks of fighting, resuming control of the situation; After successive meetings, most of the situationist leaders in Minas Gerais agreed to support the name of Olegário Maciel, causing a split led by Melo Viana, who maintained his own candidacy and, at the national level, started to support the candidacy of Júlio Prestes through movement called Conservative Concentration; The perremists led by Artur Bernardes, who had not joined the new organization, met in Belo Horizonte on August 13, 1931 and tried to depose Olegário Maciel, who was increasingly strengthening his relations with the Legião Mineira. With the failure of this attempt, the state political situation and the relationship between the Minas Gerais and federal governments became even more tense. The need to promote peace led to negotiations between the Legion and the PRM with the aim of forming a single party that would serve as a support base for Maciel and Vargas. Venceslau Brás played an important role in articulating the so-called “Mineiro Agreement”, signed in February 1932, which resulted in the founding of the Social Nationalist Party, of whose steering committee he was a member; In 1943, Venceslau Brás, claiming his withdrawal from public life, refused to sign the Manifesto dos mineiros, one of the first manifestations of the political elites in opposition to the dictatorial regime, which would be overthrown in October 1945. Venceslau Brás was once again considered to run for governor of Minas Gerais with the support of the new President of the Republic, Eurico Dutra, in an attempt to reconcile the Republican Party with the wings of the Social Democratic Party led by Melo Viana and José Francisco Strong Bias. However, the latter was victorious at the PSD convention, which led to Venceslau Brás and Melo Viana starting to support the candidacy of Milton Campos, from the National Democratic Union, after all victorious in the January 1947 election. then, Venceslau Brás withdrew definitively from public life; Very interesting and respected fella, may use him

Fernando de Melo Viana - Yes. - After completing his first studies in Sabará, he studied at Colégio Caraça and at the day school at Ginásio Mineiro in Ouro Preto. He then attended the Ouro Preto Law School, graduating in December 1900 in Belo Horizonte, where the state capital had been transferred (1897). Appointed district attorney of Mar de Espanha in 1901, he remained in office until 1903, when he was elected state deputy. For health reasons, he resigned from office in 1905 and began to practice law in Sete Lagoas. From 1909, he was a judge in the mining towns of Conceição do Serro (currently Conceição do Mato Dentro), Santa Luzia do Carangola (currently Carangola), Uberaba and Pará de Minas; Invited by Artur Bernardes, who assumed the presidency of Minas Gerais in 1918, became deputy attorney general of the state and later state attorney general. In 1922, when Bernardes was elected President of the Republic and transferred the Minas government to Raul Soares, he took over the Interior Secretariat. With the death of Raul Soares in August 1924, in October he was chosen to complete his period of government, which would extend until September 7, 1926. He received the government from the hands of the vice-president of the state, Olegário Maciel, on December 1924, and during his tenure he made several improvements. He became popular inside and outside Minas, especially for having defended amnesty for the rebels of 1922 and 1924; In the succession of Artur Bernardes, in 1926, with the support of the rebels and some state situations, his name was considered to run for president of the Republic for the Republican Party of Minas Gerais (PRM). However, obeying the current agreement according to which Minas and São Paulo should alternate in power, Artur Bernardes nominated Washington Luís, from the Paulista Republican Party, as the official candidate. Melo Viana then accepted to run for vice-presidency, aiming to avoid a split in the situationist bloc. Both were elected in March 1926 for a term that would last until November 15, 1930; In 1929, the Liberal Alliance, an opposition movement to the situationist candidacy of Júlio Prestes for the presidency of the Republic in the elections scheduled for March 1, 1930. On that same date, elections for the Chamber of Deputies and for the presidency of Minas would be held. At first, Melo Viana followed the position of his party, which, along with the Rio-Grandense Republican Party, formed the core of the Liberal Alliance. On the other hand, intending to resume the state government and having good political standing for that, he tried to ensure the launch of his candidacy by the PRM. In fact, his solidarity with the Liberal Alliance was conditional on this nomination. If it did not materialize, he would support the Washington Luís candidate, from whom he hoped to gain support to become president of his state. In July, Melo Viana was present at the meeting of the PRM executive committee in which the candidacies of Getúlio Vargas for the presidency of the Republic and João Pessoa for the vice-presidency were launched. In September, he attended the arrival of President Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada in Rio, where he would preside over the Alliance Liberal convention. At the same time, however, he was present at the arrival of Júlio Prestes in Rio; In October, Melo Viana went to Belo Horizonte to participate in the meeting of the PRM executive committee that would appoint Antônio Carlos' successor. After the failure of the first meetings, Antônio Carlos met with Artur Bernardes, Venceslau Brás and Melo Viana, proposing the candidacy of the president of the state Senate, Olegário Maciel, which he considered acceptable to the three. The first two actually accepted it, but Melo Viana refused, stating that he would only give up his candidacy in favor of Venceslau or Bernardes. However, the candidacies of these two politicians were unfeasible, as they were leaders of hostile currents within the party. Finally, the plenary meeting of the executive commission of the PRM indicated the names of Olegário Maciel and Pedro Marques de Almeida, president of the state chamber, for the presidency and vice-presidency of the state; Melo Viana then broke with the PRM, taking with him Alfredo Sá, vice president of the state, eight state deputies and a senator. The Mine Safety Secretary also asked for his resignation. After launching the candidacy of Melo Viana in opposition to that of Olegário Maciel, the dissidents began to support Júlio Prestes at the federal level. In this way, they joined the Conservative Concentration, a movement in charge of Júlio Prestes' campaign in Minas, which was also in charge of Melo Viana's campaign, supported by Washington Luís; In February, the Conservative Concentration sought to attract mineiro businessmen, promising them a transport plan and infrastructure works. It was also proposed to promote industrial and agricultural congresses in the interior of the state, one of them dedicated to cotton, in Montes Claros, and another to the steel industry, in Itabira. On February 6, a caravan led by Melo Viana and Manuel Tomás de Carvalho Brito, head of the Conservative Concentration, headed for Montes Claros. A large number of workers were taken to the site, where agricultural machinery and advertising material were also transported. An incident provoked by the explosion of fireworks started a fierce firefight between supporters of the Conservative Concentration and local alliances, causing casualties on both sides and ending the meeting; Carvalho Brito then telegraphed Washington Luís and the Minister of Justice informing them that his entourage had been attacked and Melo Viana wounded. In addition, according to the alliancists, he gave orders that telegraphic communications were intercepted, with only communications that had his approval being transmitted. In this way, the military delegate from Montes Claros was prevented from contacting the state government, and Carvalho Brito, through the telegraph kept at his disposal, began to ask for intervention in Minas Gerais. Washington Luís was then able to increase the number of federal forces in the state; Despite attempts by the Conservative Concentration to incriminate the state government, the police investigation then installed proved that the president of Minas Gerais had not participated in the events. At the same time, the steel conference in Itabira was cancelled. Also during the month of February, Carvalho Brito and Melo Viana were accused by the alliance members of neutralizing their political propaganda through the control they maintained over the post office and telegraph office, the railroads, tax collection offices and educational establishments. They were also accused of violating and withholding correspondence and electoral material to be distributed by the alliance members, while the Conservative Concentration sent their ballots and books in envelopes from the post office director's office, with a “Postal Service” signet, free of charge. As the alliancists' complaints to the federal government were of no avail, the government of Minas Gerais proposed to organize a radiotelegraph service network, setting up stations in the various zones of the state; The irregularities attributed to the Conservação Conservadora in the elections of March 1930 were typical of the behavior of the oligarchies in the First Republic: appointment of all poll workers in some municipalities among their supporters, composition of the counting board in their benefit and adulteration of electoral books. The investigations, instead of being supervised, according to tradition, by the state police, were monitored by the federal forces. The presence of federal troops in the capital of Minas Gerais gave rise to new conflicts between alliances and supporters of the governing party; Once the counts were over – referring only to the votes for the state presidency – Melo Viana was defeated by Olegário Maciel. After the legal deadline, the counting board sent the electoral books to the Chamber of Deputies without having verified the result of the election for the federal Legislative. In this way, Washington Luís removed the Minas Gerais bench from the preliminary work of the legislative session, since there was no qualified candidate. Soon after, the Commission for Verification of Powers of the National Congress, in charge of giving an opinion on state elections, decided to recognize the victory, in the various districts into which the state of Minas was divided, of elements faithful to the Conservative Concentration, "beheading", to make room for them, 14 federal deputies linked to the Liberal Alliance; A bit of a stubborn opportunist guy, maybe i can do something with him

Pandiá Calógeras - Yes. - In 1891 he married Elisa da Silva Guimarães, daughter of Joaquim Caetano da Silva Guimarães, minister of the Federal Supreme Court, and niece of the writer Bernardo Guimarães. Also in 1891, he was appointed engineer for the state of Minas Gerais and began a lasting scientific collaboration with publications in Rio de Janeiro. In 1894, he assumed the position of technical consultant to the Secretary of Agriculture, Commerce and Public Works of Minas Gerais, Francisco Sá; Elected federal deputy in the Minas Republican Party for the 1897-1899 legislature, he soon stood out in the Chamber for his knowledge of national problems, especially those related to engineering and mining. He defended the reduction of customs tariffs, spoke out on the issue of borders with French Guiana and was opposed to the transfer of the Escola de Minas to Barbacena. Having stood against the President of the Republic, Prudente de Morais, in the split of the Federal Republican Party, he was unable to be re-elected to the Chamber in the 1900 election because he lacked the support of the oligarchic groups that, at the time, controlled the elections in the country; After working for some time mining manganese and taking a trip to Europe, Calogeras returned to the country and, in 1903, published As minas do Brasil e sua Legislação, a work that earned him national recognition. In the book, he defended the thesis that he later presented in the Chamber and was transformed into the Calogeras Law: he proposed that a distinction be established between ownership of the soil and that of the subsoil, assuring the government the right to expropriate the subsoil in order to exploit it. He returned to the Chamber in 1903, elected by the district of Ouro Preto in the PRM party, and in a short time he acquired the reputation of being one of the most expressive figures in Congress. Successively re-elected in 1906, 1909 and 1912, he remained in Parliament until 1914, participating prominently in the debate of all the main national questions of the time; He spoke about the valorization of coffee, the conversion box, the tax reform, the transport policy, the consolidation of borders, the generalization of public education at the primary level and, naturally, mining. At the invitation of the Baron of Rio Branco, he joined the Brazilian delegation to the III Pan-American Conference, held in Rio de Janeiro in 1906. He intervened in the question of the condominium of Lagoa Mirim, on the border between Brazil and Uruguay, and free navigation on the Jaguarão River. In 1908, he gave a speech in the House on military re-equipment. He participated in the IV Pan-American Conference, held in Buenos Aires (1910), and during this period he converted to Catholicism, manifesting himself in parliamentary debates against divorce and in favor of the installation of a permanent diplomatic representation at the Vatican; In his last term, he strongly opposed the government of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, and collaborated with the magazine Defesa Nacional, directed by the group of “young Turks”, officers who had trained in the German Army and intended to modernize the Brazilian armed forces. They were known as such in reference to the nationalist movement that was active in the modernization process in Turkey at the same time; Upon assuming the federal government (15/11/1914), Venceslau Brás accepted the suggestion of military members linked to the “young Turks” and appointed Calogeras to the portfolio of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce. During his tenure, which lasted only until July of the following year, the new head promoted the reorganization of all departments of the ministry, established the bases for agricultural credit, applied the law of his authorship to regulate the ownership of mines and studied the use of alcohol as a substitute for gasoline, due to supply problems caused by the First World War. He also issued decrees reorganizing the veterinary and agricultural defense inspection services; In June 1915, he temporarily replaced the Minister of Finance, Sabino Alves Barroso Júnior, who was unable to do so due to illness. After accumulating the two portfolios for a month, he was hired at the Ministry of Finance, where he found a precarious situation, marked by a lack of income to cover the most urgent needs, a large floating debt, the customs collection reduced to 1/3, the suspension from tax collection until some protests and complaints were resolved, the paralysis of maritime transport and the existence of a second funding loan (consolidation of Brazilian loans with British creditors); In addition to these problems, Calogeras faced administrative negligence and corruption, which led to attacks published in the press by the beneficiaries of this state of affairs. Overcoming obstacles, the new minister regularized the floating debt, reorganized the Mint and assumed full responsibility for funding, promoting an agreement with foreign creditors that prevented his control over Brazilian customs. Upon leaving the portfolio, in September 1917, he received a document from the House of Rothschild attesting that never before had Brazilian finances been so flourishing; With the end of the First World War, the Peace Conference was held in Versailles. Calogeras was part of the Brazilian delegation to the congress, chaired by Senator Epitácio Pessoa. However, Epitácio was elected President of the Republic to complete Rodrigues Alves' four-year term, and returned to Brazil. Calogeras took over the leadership of the delegation and, after the conclusion of the Congress of Versailles, he remained in Europe for some time, representing Brazil in some international meetings and heading the commercial mission that was in England in 1919; Returning to Brazil, Calogeras did not resume his parliamentary mandate because he was appointed Minister of War in the government of Epitácio Pessoa, becoming the only civilian to hold this position in the republican history of the country. His choice was approved by a large number of Army officers, who had already paid tribute to him during his work in other ministries. He had also favorably echoed a speech he had delivered in the House the previous year on the status of the armed forces; During his administration, which began in October 1919, the Brazilian Army experienced intense modernization, expansion and improvement in all sectors. From 1920 onwards, Calogeras relied on the advice of the French Military Mission headed by General Maurice Gustave Gamelin, who had a profound influence on the reorganization of the Army and on the training of general staff officers; Calogeras promoted the reform of the instruction of cadres and troops, making it more technical with the creation of schools for each specialty, among them the School for the Improvement of Officers. In addition, it issued new regulations for the General Staff, Aviation, Veterinary schools and military schools. He also instituted mandatory physical instruction for all weapons. He also changed the military territorial division and the organization of the Army's divisions, reorganizing the Coastal Artillery and creating the General Directorate of War Intendance. He made large purchases of modern war material for the various weapons and services, increasing the national military industry, especially the factories installed in Realengo, in Rio de Janeiro, and in Piquete. He built 103 military establishments spread across the country, taking special care with the basic service facilities in the barracks. In the aviation sector, he set up new squadrons, including fighter planes; Directly influenced by the French Mission, the Disciplinary Regulations of the Army (RDE) and the Internal Regulations for General Services (RISG) appeared in 1920. Also dating from this time was the formulation of the first national defense policy covering all aspects of the country's life, from military preparation itself to the development of strategic industries, such as steel. It was the unfolding of this conception that led to the creation, in 1927, of the National Defense Council. Still in 1920, the federal government acquired the Quitaúna farm, where Calogeras built a headquarters that served as support for the expansion of the military force stationed in the state of São Paulo; At the end of his term at the head of the Ministry of War, the uprising of July 5, 1922 took place, inaugurating the cycle of lieutenant movements that marked the decade. Pandiá Calogeras participated directly in the events leading up to the revolt, as well as in the repression of the uprising. It was he who, at the request of President Epitácio Pessoa, sent on July 1st a notice of reprimand to Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, president of the Military Club, for his statements against the participation of federal troops in the conflict between Pernambuco political forces over the result state elections held there. The controversy then established between the marshal and the government led to his arrest and the closing of the Military Club on July 2, which revolted a considerable portion of military youth. Informed of the preparations for a revolt at the Copacabana Fort, Calogeras sent Captain José da Silva Barbosa, accompanied by General Bonifácio Costa, to replace Euclides Hermes da Fonseca (son of Hermes da Fonseca) in command of that corporation. The arrest of these loyalist officers by the Copacabana garrison set the beginning of the uprising, which also involved the Military School and some troops from Vila Militar, in Rio de Janeiro, in addition to the contingent stationed in Mato Grosso; On all these fronts, the revolt was quickly quelled. Hoping to obtain the support of the Vila Militar officers, the students of the Military School, led by Colonel João Maria Xavier de Brito Júnior, began their march on the city. Shot down by the garrison, they retreated to Realengo, where they surrendered. As a result, more than five hundred students were expelled from the school. Also in Mato Grosso, the rebellion was soon subdued, with the deployment of troops from the São Paulo Public Force, who obtained the surrender of the rebels; In Fort Copacabana, the revolt began in an atmosphere of disillusionment, caused by the certainty that they could not count on the support of their fellow conspirators. Despite this, the rebels hit the Ministry of War building with cannon fire, which alarmed the authorities and led to the transfer of the legalist headquarters to the garrison of the Fire Department located on the other side of the border square, Campo de Santana. On July 6, the fort was surrounded and Pandiá Calogeras began threatening its occupants with an attack by land and sea if they did not surrender. Faced with the situation, Captain Euclides Hermes released his soldiers and officers to choose, with only 28 volunteers willing to fight remaining in the barracks. Shortly afterwards, Euclides Hermes was arrested as he left the fort to parley with Calogeras; Under the command of Lieutenant Antônio Siqueira Campos, the rebels then decided to abandon the barracks and continue the fight by marching along Avenida Atlântica against the loyalist forces, triggering the episode known as Os 18 do Forte, the last skirmish of the 1922 revolt, which resulted in death of several rebels and injuries to the rest; With the end of Epitácio Pessoa's mandate (11/15/1922), Calogeras left the ministry and moved away from politics for disagreeing with the election of Artur Bernardes to the presidency of the Republic. Between 1923 and 1929, he presided over the National Company of Copper Artefacts (Conac), also developing great intellectual activity as a journalist, lecturer and writer. During this period, he published The Foreign Policy of the Empire, in three volumes, considered his most important work as a historian, and, in 1930, Historical Formation of Brazil. In 1928, he was elected president of the Brazilian Society of Engineering; During the presidential elections of March 1930, he supported Getúlio Vargas, candidate of the Liberal Alliance, an inter-party opposition coalition. With the victory of the situationist Júlio Prestes, the opposition forces accelerated the preparations for an armed revolt that, started on October 3, was victorious after 21 days of struggle. Invited, Calogeras refused to participate in the governing board that exercised power until the formation, on November 3, of the provisional government headed by Vargas. In 1931, this government appointed him rapporteur for the project on mining legislation in the legislative commissions then established and a member of the Commission for Financial and Economic Studies of States and Municipalities. In the same year, at the invitation of the government of Minas Gerais, he studied the reform of the tax system in that state; In 1932 he became president of the Catholic Electoral League and expressed sympathies for the Constitutionalist Revolution, which broke out in São Paulo to demand the immediate re-constitutionalization of the country and the return of state autonomy. Even in defeat, the revolution had an influence on calling elections for the National Constituent Assembly in 1933. In this election, running in Minas Gerais as part of the Progressive Party, Calogeras obtained the highest number of votes ever achieved in Brazil for a deputy candidate. Shortly afterwards, his name was included on the list presented by Minas Gerais leaders to Vargas so that he could choose the intervenor who would replace the recently deceased Governor Olegário Maciel as head of the State Executive. The choice of head of the provisional government fell, however, to Benedito Valadares; Very unique fella, may use him as a Brás replacement or a token PM for the military after Fonseca falls

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165

José Maria Wihtaker - Yes. - He studied at the Araújo, Santo Antônio and Minhoto day schools, in his hometown, and then entered the São Paulo Faculty of Law, from which he graduated in social sciences in 1895 and in legal sciences the following year. While still an academic, he actively participated in the political and intellectual debate held within the faculty, collaborating in the writing of the monarchist newspaper Autoridade, which competed with another organ, also produced by the students, of republican tendency; Soon after graduating, he followed the advice of his brother Firmino, a judge in Mojimirim, and opened a law firm in the city of Espírito Santo do Pinhal, today Pinhal, described at the time as “a rich and busy forum”. In 1897 he married Amélia Peres and, shortly afterwards, he began lending to private individuals the surplus income he received from his prosperous professional activity. However, he did not find this experience fruitful, which was quickly interrupted, and he bought one hundred mortgage notes from Banco de Crédito Real in São Paulo. He suffered a loss in the operation, as he was forced to sell the bonds at half price due to the worsening financial situation of the bank, which went bankrupt shortly afterwards; Between 1900 and 1903, he shared his law office with Tomás Pimentel, and in 1903 he founded the firm Whitaker Bonfim e Companhia, dedicated to the commercialization of coffee, in partnership with Constantino Panayetti and Francisco de Azevedo Bomfim. This activity led to its transfer to the port of Santos. There he lived for a year, after which he returned to the capital of São Paulo, without interrupting the development of his business and contacts in that city. In 1910 he was elected director of the Commercial Association of Santos, whose presidency he assumed after the first meeting of the new board. His coffee trading firm then opened an export section in partnership with Erasmo Teixeira de Assunção and Frederico de Barros Brotero, and achieved excellent results in the following years; In 1912, he founded the Commercial Bank of the State of São Paulo, with the participation of Erasmo Teixeira de Assunção and the financial support of Paulo Nogueira de Almeida and Vicente de Almeida Prado. In 1918, he participated in the creation of the Companhia Americana de Seguros – later transferred to an English group –, which resulted in the creation of the São Paulo Companhia Nacional de Seguros de Vida, directed by José Carlos de Macedo Soares for several decades; José Maria Whitaker declined the invitation to become Secretary of Finance for the São Paulo government headed by Washington Luís from May 1920, but in December he accepted the invitation from President Epitácio Pessoa to assume the presidency of Banco do Brasil, then in deficit, with the condition to act with a wide margin of autonomy; During his tenure, he created the Rediscount Portfolio (first step towards founding a central bank for issues), the Check Clearing House and the Agricultural Credit Portfolio, managing to multiply the amount of bank resources by five and significantly increase its participation in the national financial system. On some occasions he opposed the government's economic-financial policy, as in the case of the purchase of coffee stocks to guarantee the product's appreciation. Your opinion – contrary to this policy – was not considered. He also disagreed with the 2% increase in the rate charged by Banco do Brasil's Rediscount Portfolio, determined by Finance Minister Homero Batista, which led to his first request for resignation from the position. Epitácio Pessoa, however, revoked his minister's order and did not allow Whitaker to leave; A new resignation request was presented on December 20, 1922, shortly after Artur Bernardes took office as President of the Republic, in protest against the approval by Congress of a project to reform the Bank of Brazil that had been prepared without his participation. In a letter to Bernardes, he expressed his “individual grief” and his “patriot apprehensions”, for “foreseeing both Banco do Brasil and the gold deposit, the last points of resistance in our financial life, at the same time”. The new government responded by stating that Whitaker had resigned because he had not received authorization to transform Banco do Brasil into a money-issuing bank and send the stock of gold to London to serve as a basis for foreign exchange operations; Upon leaving the bank, Whitaker settled back in São Paulo, where he witnessed the Revolution of 1924 without becoming involved in the conflict. In 1925, he undertook a long trip abroad. He returned in May 1926 and, at the end of that year, was invited by Washington Luís, the new President of the Republic, to take over the direction of Banco do Brasil once more. His disagreements with the financial plan proposed by the government led him, however, to refuse the proposal. This plan, implemented in 1929, was pointed out by many as a factor aggravating the stagnation of the coffee economy; The victory of the 1930 Revolution was followed, in São Paulo, by a period of political uncertainty. General Hastínfilo de Moura, head of the first provisional government in São Paulo formed after the deposition of Washington Luís (24/10/1930), invited Whitaker to be Secretary of Finance, but he was reluctant to accept the “dangerous position”. Faced with the support for his name expressed by Getúlio Vargas himself, leader of the victorious revolution, on October 28 Whitaker decided to assume the post of civilian head of the new government of São Paulo, reorganized with the departure of General Hastínfilo and the appointment of lieutenant leader João Alberto Lins de Barros for the position of military delegate of the revolution. On November 4, Whitaker was appointed Minister of Finance in the provisional government headed by Vargas, and was replaced in the São Paulo administration by Plínio Barreto; Whitaker's appointment to the Treasury portfolio had a positive impact on international financial circles, especially among Rothschild bankers, important creditors of Brazil. His management was marked by the consequences of the violent international economic crisis of 1929, which made the problems of the coffee sector even more serious. With the drop in coffee export prices and the accumulation of unsaleable stocks of the product, the Brazilian economy as a whole was shaken, due to the decrease in its ability to import and meet payments due abroad, the reduction in the pace of all activities, the flattening of the purchasing power of wages, and rising unemployment; In this context, Whitaker, in his own words an “old enemy of all interventions”, was forced to increase the State's participation in the country's economy, helping the coffee sector in crisis through the purchase of 18 million bags of the product. At the time, he stated that “necessity knows no laws: either we will do this – and now – or we will watch the collapse of our entire economy”. This measure aggravated the difficulties faced by the Treasury and forced the use of currency issues - in theory, opposed by the minister -, the increase in taxes on coffee production and consumption, and the ban on planting this product for five years; In February 1931, the Bank of England sent a representative to Brazil to assess the country's economic difficulties and the government's financial program. Its report, published in July of the same year, diagnosed the existence of an “exaggerated reliance on issuing banknotes, costly loans abroad for purposes of dubious economic value and excessive public expenditure, which produced a situation of financial inflation”, and proposed the pursuit of budget balance, currency stabilization and the formation of a central bank for emissions. These suggestions coincided with the theses defended by Whitaker, who, from then on, accelerated the fight against the deficit through cuts in the public budget, the reduction of civil service salaries and the edition of the Code of Interventors, aimed at increasing federal control over spending by states and municipalities; In an attempt to combat the serious disequilibrium of the balance of payments and face the shortage of foreign exchange reserves, Whitaker was repeatedly forced to move away from his liberal economic background. He created the Central Procurement Commission (designed to coordinate and control purchases made by the government), reformulated the treasury accounting system (making it possible to publish monthly balance sheets of Treasury income and expenditure) and authorized Loide Brasileiro and Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil to buy all the production of the national coal mining companies. It also adopted several measures of a protectionist nature, such as a three-year ban on importing machinery for industries already established in the country, and a determination that every importer should acquire at least 10% of the products he intended to sell on the domestic market. The exchange market remained restricted to the needs of foreign trade and was monopolized by Banco do Brasil, which avoided a sudden drop in rates, but did not prevent the gradual devaluation of the cruzeiro, a factor that stimulated exports and protected domestic industrial production. The state monopoly on foreign exchange was later mitigated through a decree that allowed the official bank to license private financial institutions to purchase foreign currency; England, the United States and France were, in that order, the largest creditors of the Brazilian external debt, which, in the early 1930s, reached 250 million pounds sterling, corresponding to almost twice the federal revenue. To preserve the country's external credit, the provisional government sent all the gold in its possession to Europe, totaling around 7.5 million pounds. He then contracted a new loan of 6.5 million pounds, temporarily meeting internal needs. These measures, however, contradicted the sectors that proposed the suspension of payments abroad, such as the Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo (FIESP) and the large coffee growers, who also demanded the burning of unsaleable stocks purchased by the government. According to Paulo Nogueira Filho, among the members of the Revolutionary Legion, a lieutenant organization that is very active in São Paulo and led by General Miguel Costa, “there were indignant claims against the delay in suppressing payments”, a measure also claimed by Osvaldo Aranha, Minister of Justice; São Paulo coffee growers accused the provisional government of not properly supporting them. His pressures created numerous difficulties for Whitaker's economic austerity plans, which also faced political obstacles to his action. Close to the Democratic Party, the Minister of Finance tried several times to convince Getúlio Vargas of the need to meet, at least partially, the demands of political forces in São Paulo, appointing a São Paulo and civil intervenor to replace Captain João Alberto Lins de Barros. Within the scope of his own ministry, Whitaker also had difficulties with the performance of the Administrative Correction Commission, headed by the revolutionaries Juarez Távora and Ari Parreiras, which carried out an investigation among its staff and removed Pedro Luís Correia e Castro from the presidency of Banco do Brasil, against the will of the minister; In July 1931, Laudo Camargo took over the federal intervention in São Paulo. The following month, Whitaker declared that, “with the aim of alleviating the pressure on the exchange market, the provisional government, after hearing the representatives of its creditors, decided to temporarily suspend the service of amortization of its external debts, except those of the two funding and the 1922 coffee loan”. Negotiations for the third funding loan, consolidation and rescheduling of external debt payments were then initiated, which only came to fruition in March of the following year; Still in August 1931, the crisis between the federal government and the São Paulo coffee growers worsened, demanding greater public assistance, reform of customs tariffs, expansion of credit, review of loan contracts and support for coffee prices in the Santos market. They also criticized the creation of the National Coffee Council, which transferred decisions relating to their businesses to the State, and accused Whitaker and Numa de Oliveira (Secretary of Finance in the São Paulo government) of being committed to the bankers to the detriment of the crop. According to Renato Jardim, the minister raised the customs tariff on jute to “favor the interests of the bag trust, represented by the group of businessmen with whom he had close affinities, including Numa de Oliveira himself, owner of Banco Comércio e Indústria ( of São Paulo), which represented these interests”. Whitaker and Numa de Oliveira were also accused of keeping coffee prices low and applying the decree of September 10, 1930, considered a “monstrous legal aberration”, which transferred ownership of coffee left on consignment by producers to banks. In this way, purchases of stocks were negotiated by the government with financial institutions, considered to be coffee owners; Supported by the ex-intervenor João Alberto, the coffee growers succeeded, in early November 1931, in the removal of Numa de Oliveira, who remained steadfast in his refusal to suspend the collection of his debts with the state bank. Afterwards, Laudo Camargo resigned, considering himself incapable of effectively governing São Paulo. The resignation of the São Paulo Secretary of Finance also weakened the position of Whitaker, who had in him an important assistant in the application of federal economic and financial policy, and provoked his request for resignation. On November 16, 1931, Whitaker was replaced in the ministry by Osvaldo Aranha, who faced the same difficulties in his relationship with the coffee growers; Whitaker returned to São Paulo determined to dedicate himself exclusively to his private interests. According to his own words, he did not intend to participate in the Constitutionalist Revolution that was being articulated by the São Paulo forces against the federal government to obtain the return of the autonomy of the states and the immediate re-constitutionalization of the country. The movement was triggered on July 9, 1932, starting a civil war of large proportions. On the following August 8, Whitaker attended a meeting at the São Paulo Commercial Association and was appointed to assume the position of greater responsibility in the Gold Campaign, which consisted of collecting donations of this metal to finance the fight. In early October, the Paulistas were defeated by forces loyal to Getúlio Vargas, and Colonel Herculano de Carvalho e Silva, commander of the Public Force, temporarily took over the leadership of the state government. Soon afterwards Carvalho e Silva called Whitaker to a meeting, with the aim of discussing the pacification of the state and the return to normality. The ex-minister’s prestige in economic and political circles in São Paulo, the intervention of José Carlos de Macedo Soares in his favor and, according to Whitaker himself, “Vargas’ natural benignity” prevented him from being a victim of the repression that befell him. about the defeated, whose leaders were sent into exile. In any case, Whitaker withdrew into private life for a long period, interrupted only by his participation in the Consultative Council of the State of São Paulo during the intervention of Armando de Sales Oliveira, which began in August 1933; Whitaker remained away from public life during the entire period of the Estado Novo, installed on November 10, 1937. With the overthrow of that regime on October 29, 1945, José Carlos de Macedo Soares was appointed intervenor in São Paulo and invited Whitaker to to assume the prefecture of the capital, but he refused, indicating three names that, in his view, could perform the function. The second on that list, Abraão Ribeiro, was named;In this phase of reorganization of national life, Whitaker wrote a letter to the intervenor in São Paulo, dated November 28, 1945, expressing his opinion on the economic guidelines to be followed by the new government. He proposed the suppression of all institutes or institutions that, in his view, hindered the flow of the country's economy, such as the National Department of Commerce, the Sugar Institute and the Export Portfolio of Banco do Brasil; the end of autarchy and the unification of all public revenue and expenditure in the National Treasury; the transformation of Banco do Brasil into a common deposit establishment, accompanied by the creation of a central bank (which would absorb the Rediscount Portfolio, the Foreign Exchange Portfolio and all relations with the Treasury) and of a real credit bank (which would operate the Agricultural and Industrial Portfolio and the Mobilization Portfolio). In the last days of 1945, José Carlos de Macedo Soares was the bearer of the invitation made by the president-elect, general Eurico Gaspar Dutra, for José Maria Whitaker to assume the leadership of the Ministry of Finance. The latter, however, preferred to apply for the direction of Banco do Brasil. However, the understandings reached with Dutra did not result in his appointment; Whitaker only returned to public life in 1955. At that time, the economic policy implemented by Eugênio Gudin, Minister of Finance in the Café Filho government, encountered resistance from sectors linked to industry, especially those producing capital goods. The governor of São Paulo, Jânio Quadros, then began discussions with the President of the Republic with a view to changing the credit policy. These negotiations also involved political aspects, as Jânio Quadros pledged to support Juarez Távora in the presidential elections of that year, failing to launch his own candidacy, in exchange for the nomination of Otávio Marcondes Ferraz for the Ministry of Transport and Public Works and José Maria Whitaker for the farm folder; Whitaker took office on April 13, 1955 and nominated Alcides Vidigal for the presidency of Banco do Brasil. Intending to ease monetary policy, he immediately revoked the ordinance that obliged banks to leave half of their deposits under the control of the Superintendence of Currency and Credit (Sumoc). This measure led to the dismissal of Sumoc's superintendent, Otávio Gouveia de Bulhões, the last member of the team committed to Eugênio Gudin's program, who still remained in the second echelon of the ministry. Eager to balance the budget by reducing public spending, Whitaker also suspended the government's program to purchase coffee stocks, which sparked protests from coffee growers. On the other hand, it carried out the exchange rate reform project, carried out with the collaboration of Edward Bernstein (representative of the International Monetary Fund) and the assistance of Roberto Campos (superintendent of the National Bank for Economic Development) and Paulo Poock Correia (director of the Bank of Brazil Exchange). The main purpose of the project was the abolition of foreign exchange confiscation, considered “a disastrous taxation for our economy” because it burdened the exported product “at the very moment when it will compete with similar foreign products”. This measure, however, was opposed by all the other ministers, with the exception of Otávio Marcondes Ferraz, being called inopportune by the military ministers due to the approaching presidential succession. Faced with the controversies raised by the exchange rate reform proposal, President Café Filho decided to submit it for approval by Congress, which led Whitaker to resign. On November 10, 1955, he was replaced by Mário Câmara, an employee of the Ministry of Finance; Despite being removed from public life again, Whitaker remained a keen observer of the country's economic and financial situation, as demonstrated by the numerous articles he published in the press. He continued at the head of Banco Comercial do Estado de São Paulo which, from 1964 onwards, sought to expand the volume of its operations through a merger with other financial institutions, finally achieved in July 1972. The new group – which, in addition to banking operations, had control of an oil refinery – it was renamed Banco União Comercial and, two years later, it was incorporated into Banco Itaú Sociedade Anônima, in São Paulo; Interesting guy and a monarchist when young, first choice if i ever need a very free market dude, although he seems to be unpopular with the coffee barons

Pinheiro Machado - Yes. - José Gomes Pinheiro Machado was born in Cruz Alta on May 8, 1851, son of Antônio Gomes Pinheiro Machado and Maria Manuela de Oliveira Aires. His father was a deputy in the General Assembly of the Empire. His brother Ângelo Gomes Pinheiro Machado was a constituent from 1891, federal deputy for São Paulo from 1891 to 1896 and federal deputy for Rio Grande do Sul from 1900 to 1905 and from 1909 to 1910. Another of his brothers, Salvador Pinheiro Machado, received the letter - rank of general in recognition of the military services rendered to the Republic, he was vice-president of Rio Grande do Sul from 1913 to 1918, and as such assumed the presidency of the state between 1915 and 1916, during the removal of Borges de Medeiros due to illness; In 1867, Pinheiro Machado won the title of first cadet in the 4th Cavalry Corps. In 1868, faced with a serious health problem and at his father's insistence, he was discharged from the Army. Although he wanted to follow a military career, he obeyed his father's instructions and started to run the family ranch in São Luís Gonzaga, where he remained until 1872. went to study in São Paulo. After completing the preparatory course, he enrolled in the Faculty of Law in 1874 and joined the radical republican movement, which organized a Republican Club and launched the periodical A Renascença. Since then, he has devoted himself to academic journalism, revealing his tendencies towards politics. On August 5, 1876, while still a student, he married the Paulista Brasiliana Benedita Paula e Silva. After graduating in law in 1878, he returned to São Luís Gonzaga, where he began to practice law; Pinheiro Machado became intensely involved in republican propaganda in Rio Grande do Sul. In 1880 he founded the Clube Republicano de São Luís Gonzaga and in the following years participated in several republican conferences, as well as political excursions organized by republicans that toured the province. He entered politics alongside Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil and Júlio de Castilhos, with whom he became a great friend and the most loyal of his supporters; Together with Júlio de Castilhos, Assis Brasil, Venâncio Aires, Ernesto Alves, Álvaro Chaves and others, he participated in the foundation of the PartidoRepublicano Rio-Grandense, in February 1882. The PRR defended the direct election of the heads of the federal and state Executive and municipal; free and public voting; freedom of thought and expression, of assembly and association, and free lay primary education. It also proposed the autonomy of municipalities and states, which should, the latter, be governed by their own constitutions and laws and exempt from Union intervention, except in cases where the federative republican regime was threatened. The official organ of the PRR was the newspaper A Federation, which was created in January 1884 and was decisive for the success of the party. After all, newspapers were the most important vehicles of social communication and political propaganda throughout the 19th century; From 1888 onwards, Pinheiro Machado was a councilor in the City Council of São Luís Gonzaga, where he lived. There it was when, on November 15, 1889, a military coup, led by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and supported by a small group of civilian republicans, overthrew the Empire, proclaimed the Republic in Brazil and instituted a provisional government with the Marshal Deodoro himself; Deodoro's constitutional government began under strong political tension, aggravated by the economic crisis. Dissatisfied with the parliamentary opposition, on November 3, the president ordered the closure of the National Congress. Júlio de Castilhos did not initially manifest himself, but on the 12th of November he ended up declaring himself in favor of Deodoro. The next day, his opponents forced him to resign. While Castilhos left power in Rio Grande do Sul, Deodoro's so-called coup aroused reactions throughout the country. The Navy's threat to bomb the city of Rio de Janeiro led Deodoro himself to resign on November 23, just nine months after assuming the presidency. His place was taken by vice president Marshal Floriano Peixoto. As the 1891 Constitution provided for new elections if the presidency was vacant before two years had elapsed since the incumbent took office, new crises arose, resulting from pressure, especially from the Navy, for elections to be held; On June 17, 1892, after a political agreement with Floriano – who wanted to prevent power in Rio Grande do Sul from falling into the hands of Gaspar Silveira Martins –, Júlio de Castilhos, through an armed movement, was restored to the government of Rio Great South. Still according to the agreement, however, he resigned from the position, passing it on to the vice president of the state appointed by him, Vitorino Carneiro Monteiro, who, in turn, should call state elections. Carneiro Monteiro left office in September 1892 to take up a seat in the Chamber of Deputies, and was replaced by the state's second vice-president, Fernando Abott. In the elections that followed, Castilhos was re-elected president of the state of Rio Grande do Sul and on January 26, 1893 he took office. The following month, his opponents launched the Federalist Revolution; With the outbreak of the Federalist Revolution, Pinheiro Machado immediately left the Senate and left for the battlefields, willing to fight alongside Júlio de Castilhos, his friend and political companion. He joined General Francisco Rodrigues Lima's division and played a prominent role among the republican troops. For his performance during the revolution, he received from Marshal Floriano Peixoto, for acts of bravery, the honors of brigadier general; In 1897, internal disagreements led to the dissolution of the Federal Republican Party (PRF), to which President Prudente de Morais (1894-1898) belonged. The party had emerged in 1893, from the merger of regional republican parties, and was led by Francisco Glicério. At the time of the split, Pinheiro Machado, along with his supporters from Rio Grande do Sul, sided with Francisco Glicério and became a member of the opposition to the Prudente de Morais government. Still in 1897, on November 5, during a military ceremony, Prudente de Morais suffered an attack. The president was unharmed, but the then Minister of War, Marshal Carlos Machado Bittencourt, died trying to defend him. In view of this, Prudente de Morais decreed a state of siege in Rio de Janeiro. Accused of complicity in the attack against the President of the Republic, Pinheiro Machado was arrested and taken to the battleship Riachuelo for 33 days; In the presidential elections of 1898, Pinheiro Machado strongly defended the name of Júlio de Castilhos as a candidate to succeed Prudente de Morais. However, this candidacy was not accepted by most incumbent Republicans. Therefore, Pinheiro Machado started to support the candidacy of Lauro Sodré. However, with the support of the federal government, which used pressure and fraud in its favor, Campos Sales, candidate of the Republican Party of São Paulo, was elected; Upon assuming the presidency (1898-1902), Campos Sales sought to win the support of the PRR, always led by Júlio de Castilhos. The new president became a close friend of Pinheiro Machado, who acted as one of his main political supporters, although he was against the “policy of governors” inaugurated by Campos Sales himself. In this context, Pinheiro Machado exerted a strong influence on the party leadership and managed to obtain several concessions within the intransigent regime of the “policy of the governors”; During the presidency of Rodrigues Alves (1902-1906), Pinheiro Machado's political prominence was increasingly accentuated among republicans. Already during the government of Nilo Peçanha (1909-1910), his friend and collaborator, his political prestige reached its peak. He thus had a decisive role when choosing the candidate for the presidential succession. His support and political articulations were fundamental for the election, in March 1910, of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca (1910-1914). Considered the great voter of the Republic, the arbiter of Brazilian politics, he became one of the leaders of the Conservative Republican Party, founded in November of that year by representatives of the elites of states dissatisfied with the so-called “coffee with milk policy”, through which the federal power had been alternating between the states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais; In 1912, while he was vice-president of the Senate, Pinheiro Machado assumed the position of president of the executive committee of the PRC, replacing Quintino Bocaiúva, who died on July 11 of that year. As had already happened in 1910, he also played a prominent role in the 1914 election, when he was elected Venceslau Brás (1914-1918); On January 30, 1915, Pinheiro Machado was elected Senator for the last time in Rio Grande do Sul. On September 8, the gaucho senator was stabbed in the back, as he entered the Hotel dos Estrangeiros, in Rio de Janeiro, to visit his friend and political opponent, Rubião Júnior, then president of the state Senate of São Paulo. The motivations for the crime, committed by Francisco Manso de Paiva Coimbra, have not been sufficiently clarified. At the time, the police concluded that the killer acted on his own initiative. Pinheiro Machado's body was transported to Rio Grande do Sul, where he was buried next to his friend Júlio de Castilhos, who had died in 1903. With his death, the PRC, of which he was president, practically disappeared; Pinheiro Machado played a decisive role in the Brazilian political scene and, although he never held the position of Minister of State, he was responsible for appointing several ministers to different portfolios. In addition, he dominated the political machinery of his home state and projected his personal leadership over the Senate and House, forming a very cohesive majority bloc. He also had control of the Commission for Verification of Powers of the National Congress, responsible for the final electoral results and for the diplomation of those elected. Through this control, he could deny an opponent a seat in the National Congress, causing the commission to consider sufficient votes to be fraudulent to give victory to another candidate. In this way, he achieved a power that perhaps no other politician had achieved during the First Brazilian Republic. And, as such, he elevated Rio Grande do Sul to a position of eminence that the state had not yet had in the Republic and only achieved during the monarchy; Probably too much of a republican to be PM but we could use some of his stuff

Delfim Moreira - Yes. - 18

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74

Afrânio de Melo Franco - Yes. - 25 -

Olegário Maciel - Yes. - 14 - Liberal

Miguel Costa - Yes. - 24 -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

Uncertanty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary: