User:Caio79 (Brazil)



The assassination doesn't let republican plotting a way to develop

HeDing text
Soon

Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. - 48 - Conservative - Manuel Deodoro da Fonseca was born on August 5, 1827 in the city of Alagoas, then capital of the province of the same name, son of Manuel Mendes da Fonseca Galvão and Rosa Maria Paulina da Fonseca. His father was in the military, having started his career as a bishop. Linked to the Conservative Party, he was also a councilor in Alagoas, a justice of the peace and chief of police. In 1839 he led a mutiny, quickly defeated, against the transfer of imperial government bodies from his city to Maceió, as a result of which the provincial capital was transferred to this city. Arrested, and soon released, he moved in April 1842 to Rio de Janeiro, then the capital of the Empire, where his two eldest sons, Hermes Ernesto and João Severiano, were already starting their military careers. In August of 1842, he would retire with the rank of lieutenant colonel; Of Deodoro's brothers, Hermes Ernesto was president of the province of Mato Grosso from 1875 to 1878 and governor of Bahia in 1890, João Severiano, a physician, considered patron of the Army Health Service, was a constituent from 1891, and Pedro Paulino was governor of Alagoas from 1889 to 1890, constituent from 1891 and senator from Alagoas from 1891 to 1893; Deodoro enrolled on March 6, 1843 at the Military School in Rio de Janeiro. On February 25, 1845, he enlisted as a volunteer in the 4th Foot Artillery Battalion, in Corte, and on April 18, he was recognized as a first-class cadet, due to his status as the son of a superior officer, as per military tradition. . After being attached to three different units, he completed the artillery course in 1847, returning to serve in the 4th Foot Artillery Battalion. In December of the following year he was assigned to serve in the province of Pernambuco, where he participated in the repression of the Revolta Praieira, as the movement promoted by liberals against the conservative orientation of the Empire became known. Promoted to second lieutenant on March 14, 1849, he took part in three combats against the insurgents, who were finally defeated in 1850; Then he was assigned to serve in the province of Bahia and at the Court. Back in Recife, he was promoted to first lieutenant on April 30, 1852. In the following two years, he had disciplinary problems that cost him a few days in prison and his transfer to the 9th Infantry Battalion and then to the 1st Foot Artillery Battalion, in Rio de Janeiro, where he served in the Santa Cruz Fortress. Transferred on 24 April 1855 to the Battalion of Engineers, he was promoted to captain on 2 December 1856. He was then reassigned to the 4th Foot Artillery Battalion, and then returned to Recife; Transferred to Mato Grosso in 1860, with the mission of acting as an assistant to the president of the province, Lieutenant Colonel Antônio Pedro de Alencastro, on April 16 of that year he married Mariana Cecília de Sousa Meireles, with whom he would have no children. In 1862 he returned to serve in Rio de Janeiro. After spending the first few months of the following year on sick leave, he returned to duty as an instructor for the National Guards at Fortaleza de Santa Cruz; In December 1864, Deodoro was assigned to one of the battalions of the Expeditionary Brigade sent to the region of the River Plate to strengthen the troops who had been participating for two months in conflicts linked to the psychological interests of Brazilians in Uruguay, where a Civil War unfolded. Having arrived on January 3, 1865, in the Uruguayan town of Fray Bento, he went on to Santa Luzia, where he joined the 2nd Brigade of the Army in operations. He participated in the siege of Montevideo, after all he remained on February 20; Four days later, he joined the 1st Division of the Army, joining the forces mobilized against troops from Paraguay, whose president, Francisco Solano Lopez, had been hostile to Brazil since November of the previous year, on the grounds that an agreement signed between his country and Uruguay provided for mutual aid in case of foreign aggression. The decision to invade Argentina, which refused him authorization to cross its territory towards Brazil, and the failure of his policy of alliances in Uruguay cost Lopez the coordinated opposition of these three countries, which, on May 1, 1865, signed a secret agreement. The so-called Treaty of the Triple Alliance aimed to overthrow the Paraguayan leader of the government, redefine the borders in the south of the continent and free navigation on the Paraná and Paraguay rivers, on which access to the province of Mato Grosso depended; Between May and July 1865, Deodoro traveled towards Argentina, arriving in the province of Entre-Rios. There he remained until April of the following year, when, after victories in Rio Grande do Sul and in naval operations, the command of the Brazilian troops ordered the invasion of Paraguayan territory. Integrated to the 2nd Corps of Volunteers of the Fatherland as a commissioned major for acts of bravery during the battles fought in Estero Bellaco and Tuiuti, both won by the allies, he was effective in the post in September 1866. He was then transferred to the 24th Battalion of Volunteers of the Fatherland and participated in the victorious operations at Potrero Obella and Taji, which earned him promotion to lieutenant colonel on January 18, 1868, again for acts of bravery, and appointment to command of the 1st Foot Artillery Battalion. In that capacity, he took part in the lengthy siege of the fortress of Humaitá, which would only be taken from the Paraguayans in July. In April, taking command of the 24th Corps of Volunteers of the Homeland, he took part in the victorious battles fought in October around the fortress of Angostura and, in December, at the crossing of the Itororó stream, when he was wounded; Successive defeats by the allies led Lopez to take refuge in the mountainous areas of Paraguay, leading the commander in chief of the Brazilian forces, Marquis of Caxias, to consider the war over in January 1869. Deodoro was promoted to colonel on February 20, 1869. again for acts of bravery. The following month, Count D'Eu, son-in-law of Emperor Dom Pedro II, assumed command of the Brazilian forces in charge of the operations that the allies still considered necessary for the capture of the Paraguayan leader. In May, Deodoro commanded a column in reconnaissance operations against enemy positions in Piraju and, in August, a brigade in the attack on Peribebuí, where Solano Lopez had set up a provisional capital. With Lopez's death on March 1, 1870, the war was effectively over; At the head of the 1st Foot Artillery Battalion, Deodoro left Humaitá on July 14 and arrived in Rio de Janeiro a month later. In September he was transferred to the mounted artillery, remaining at Corte. The following year, he went on to serve in Porto Alegre, where he was involved in a republican journalist's criticism of the provincial president for having him head a military parade in honor of the anniversary of the imperial constitution. Returning to Rio de Janeiro, he assumed command of the 1st Regiment of Mounted Artillery, which he would exercise until 1874. In October of that year he was promoted to brigadier. He was an inspector in Bahia when he was appointed, in June 1879, interim commander of the province's weapons, the highest military authority, subordinate to the provincial president. Then, he supervised troops and barracks in Rio Grande do Sul and Pernambuco and, in 1880, the Pirotechnic Laboratory of Campinho, in the Court; Still in 1879, an attempt to cut the budgets of the Navy and the Army, made by the Chamber of Deputies, stirred up the spirits of officers of both forces. The military mobilization resulted in some punishments, but managed to have the parliamentary proposal abandoned, although it had already been approved in a second discussion. In 1881, the defense of corporate interests led the military to try, in the first experience of direct elections in the country, to send a representative to Congress. The two candidates presented in Rio de Janeiro – one of them, Lieutenant Colonel Alfredo de Sena Madureira – were defeated, but the campaign revealed strong hostility from military sectors to imperial politicians. The problems for which they were held responsible concerned, mainly, the uncertain payment of pensions to orphans, widows and invalids, and even wages; the low value of wages; slowness in promotions; the non-existence of a compulsory retirement law that would allow the opening of vacancies for young officers; the breach of the imperial promise to give priority to veterans of the Paraguayan War in filling vacancies in the civil service, and poor working conditions. At the same time, sectors of the Army criticized the current political regime itself. Newspapers published by officials called for the abolition of slavery, an immigration policy, the building of railroads, and industrial protectionism. The most powerful factor in the politicization of the military were the divergences around slavery and discipline, which became faces of the same coin, since the broad sympathy of officers, including high-ranking officers, for abolitionism went against the political orientation of the military authorities of the slaveholding Empire; In 1882, Deodoro became a member of the Army Promotions Commission. In March of the following year, he was again named commander of the arms of a province, now that of Rio Grande do Sul. He remained in the post for only two months, returning to Rio de Janeiro to carry out inspections at the Depot for Marine Apprentices, in the Fortaleza de Santa Cruz, and later in the military garrisons of Santa Catarina, São Paulo and Paraná; In mid-1883, a bill was presented in the Senate that created a compulsory payroll for civil and military employees, altered the conditions for reform in both weapons and made public employees subject to dismissal for the sake of public service. There was a new military mobilization, involving officers, teachers and students of the Military School of Rio de Janeiro. The project, however, was unconstitutional, as military civil servants could only lose their ranks by sentence handed down in a special court, and it did not succeed in the Senate, which led to the end of the conflict. Still in 1883, the tension between military and civil authorities was reinvigorated, when, in October, soldiers of the Court garrison murdered the journalist Apulcro de Castro, for considering that his newspaper – O Corsário – was systematically defaming them. The visit that, a few days after the episode, the emperor made to the military unit where the assassins served was interpreted, by some, as the recognition of military dignity and, by others, as the humiliation of the Crown in the face of the victorious rebellion; In April 1884, the Campo Grande Shooting School, commanded by the now Colonel Sena Madureira, received with parties the jangadeiro Francisco do Nascimento, who had distinguished himself in the fight against slavery in Ceará, abolished the previous month. Questioned by the Adjutant General of the Army, the highest authority after the Minister of War, Sena Madureira refused to give him information about the episode, claiming that he only owed satisfaction to the Count d'Eu, general commander of the artillery, to whom the school was subordinate. Dismissed from command and reprimanded in order of the day, Madureira was transferred to Rio Grande do Sul. The case aroused controversy in the newspapers, and, in the Senate, the Viscount of Pelotas, also a military man, took up the defense of the officer. The agitation involved the Escola Militar in Rio de Janeiro, where abolitionism, in particular, and republicanism excited a growing number of students; Returning to the Army Promotion Commission since January 1884, Deodoro was promoted to field marshal in August, and the following month he was chosen to join the commission in charge of drawing up a draft regulation for the service of troops in campaign, which should be inspired by the provisions in force in this regard in France and Germany. In 1885 he assumed, by appointment dated May, the post of General Quartermaster of the Army. In December, he was once again named commander of the arms of the province of Rio Grande do Sul. He was then named first vice-president of the province, accumulating both posts. This nomination was the result of a suggestion by the Baron of Lucena, then president of the province, to the Baron of Cotegipe, then president of the Council of Ministers and leader of the Conservative Party. Deodoro and his wife baptized Lucena's son – they were, therefore, compadres. With the departure of Lucena to the Court, in May 1886, to assume a chair in the General Assembly, Deodoro became acting president of Rio Grande do Sul, always accumulating the function with those of general headquarters and commander of the provincial weapons; Around that time, a new problem stirred up the military's feelings against the civil authorities. In June 1886, Colonel Ernesto Augusto da Cunha Matos published an article in the press in which he defended himself against violent restrictions, including on his personal dignity, that a deputy from Piauí had made him in the Chamber. War Minister Alfredo Chaves warned him that, under an 1859 notice, he could not discuss political or military matters through the press. The officer spoke out against this interpretation of the notice and was punished with censure and disciplinary imprisonment for two days. In August, the Viscount of Pelotas, affiliated with the Liberal Party and also a member of the military, came to his defense in the Senate, considering the minister's attitude an offense to all Army officers, which gave the problem dimensions of a national question; In the meantime, Deodoro was accused, in a complaint presented to the Superior Court of Justice by the Gaucho provincial deputy and former Minister of War Antônio Eleutério de Camargo, of prevarication, for diverting public money in favor of a protégé, a process in which he would be acquitted; Soon after the pronouncement of the Viscount of Pelotas, Colonel Sena Madureira, now commander of the Preparatory and Tactical School of Rio Pardo, published an article in the republican newspaper A Federação, from Porto Alegre, in which he related the Cunha Matos case to the situation what had happened to him in 1884. His thesis was that both had been punished based on ministerial warnings that went against the right of free expression of thought, guaranteed by the Constitution to all Brazilians. The Minister of War wanted to know whether Deodoro, Sena Madureira's superior, had given him authorization to publish the article. On September 3, Deodoro replied that he had not, but that he would send Alfredo Chaves a letter on the matter. Before the letter reached him, in which Sena Madureira was defended, the minister ordered Deodoro to inform Sena Madureira that he had suffered a penalty of reprimand in the order of the day. The instruction was not followed. Punished anyway, the officer expressed his dissatisfaction with the penalty, expressed in the “Protest” published in the same newspaper, and was exonerated from the command he exercised; The punishments suffered by Sena Madureira mobilized the officers of the Porto Alegre garrison, which received the support of several others based in different parts of the province, and of the Viscount of Pelotas, who again spoke in the Senate against the Minister of War. The conflict brought Pelotas, a liberal, and Deodoro, linked to the conservatives, closer together. The Federation supported the officials, including Deodoro, trying to politically capitalize on the conflict between them and the government of Cotegipe. Authorized by Deodoro, the officials held a meeting on September 30 to announce that they adhered to the thesis of the unconstitutionality of the ministerial notices that had been used as a basis for sanctions; At the Court, expressive sectors of the young officers, especially the academics, were sensitive to the mobilization of officers in the South. Among them, the leadership of Major Benjamin Constant Botelho de Magalhães, professor of mathematics at the Military School, grew. On October 10, several students held a meeting at the French Gymnastics Society to discuss the issue. Benjamin Constant initially directed the work and presented a motion in which the Army and Navy officers present made it clear that the struggle of the colleagues from Rio Grande do Sul was aimed at defending their constitutional rights. The motion, approved almost unanimously by an audience made up of an overwhelming majority of military students, triggered a wave of demonstrations of solidarity from garrisons in various parts of the country, as well as the reaction of the government, which ordered the arrest of Sena Madureira. On the 18th, however, the Supreme Military and Justice Council, the highest body of Military Justice, recognized that officers had the right to discuss any matter that did not refer to matters of service, an interpretation reinforced a few days later by the emperor when he announced that the military could demonstrate without restrictions through the press. Two days later, Deodoro and the Viscount of Pelotas headed a note, published in A Federation, in which the officers of Rio Grande do Sul reaffirmed that military discipline was not under discussion, but respect for their rights and the pride of the corporation; On November 3, 1886, the government recognized, based on an opinion from the CSMJ, that the warnings on which it had based itself to punish Cunha Matos and Sena Madureira were unconstitutional and informed that it would suspend the reprimand notes if the officers affected requested the measure. On the 15th, Sena Madureira published a memorial in which he asked for the convening of a War Council – the first instance of Military Justice − to prove that he had been unfairly punished. The government's refusal to convene the council and the intransigence of Sena Madureira and Cunha Matos, who did not accept making the request, gave rise to the radicalization of the engagement of officers, including Deodoro and Benjamin Constant, in the Military Question, as the conflict began to be called ; The claim, by the military, of political rights similar to those exercised by civilian citizens implied the contestation of the disciplinary and hierarchical patterns that presided over the relations between the military. Such a standard was based on the idea of “passive and unconscious obedience”, and the successive conflicts between officers and military authorities, which had been eroding it since the previous decade, paved the way for the insertion of new groups of the armed forces in national political life. Since 1871, the role of the Army in national development was discussed in the republican press. One of the ideas elaborated at that time referred to the possibility of a new form of government favoring the emergence of a class of “citizen-soldiers”, who would replace the “servile citizens” who made up the permanent Army. The current of opinion that, from this perspective, developed among the republicans – who in the previous year had founded their party nationwide − evolved towards the formulation of a strategy of alliance with the military in the fight against the Monarchy. The radicalization of this trend was significantly fueled in the 1880s by some organs of the republican press - in particular, O País, by Quintino Bocaiúva, A Federation, by the Republican Party of Rio Grande do Sul, and O Diário de Notícias, where Rui Barbosa, who, although a monarchist, was close to the republican theses in defending the adoption of federalism. These newspapers systematically intervened in military crises, seeking to politicize them by hitting the key that the military had the right to question disciplinary norms whenever applied against their conscience; As a result of his attitudes in Porto Alegre, Deodoro began to suffer strong criticism from the Gaucho Liberal Party, especially from Senator Gaspar Silveira Martins, which earned him expressions of solidarity on the part of local garrison officers. After a tense exchange of letters with the Baron of Cotegipe, on December 22, 1886 he was dismissed from the positions he held in Rio Grande do Sul. Thus, more than a political relationship was broken. It was commonplace at the time that Cotegipe had intended for Deodoro to occupy the symbolic place of the great conservative military leader left vacant by the Duke of Caxias, who died in 1880. While still in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul, in January 1887, Deodoro was one of the speakers in homage paid Sena Madureira − removed from command of the Rio Pardo Shooting School −, with whom, two days later, he traveled to Rio de Janeiro; Deodoro's arrival at the Court, on January 26, 1887, had an important political meaning. Students from the Military School, directed by his brother, Marshal Severiano da Fonseca, showed up in large numbers to the pier to honor him, contrary to orders from the Minister of War. The act, which resulted in Severiano's resignation, foreshadowed the central role that Deodoro would play in the political crisis between military segments and the government. A new meeting of officers headquartered in Rio de Janeiro was held on February 2, 1887, now at the Teatro Recreio Dramático. Deodoro chaired the Board of Directors, also made up of Sena Madureira and Benjamin Constant. The assembly, made up of about two hundred officials, unanimously approved a motion whose content can be reduced to four deliberations: they demanded the annulment of the effects of the warnings; they rejected any measure of punishment for the officers involved in the Military Question; resorted to the intervention of the emperor to resolve the conflict with the government, and delegated powers to Deodoro to negotiate a complete solution to the conflict. The meeting had a strong impact on the national political scene, leading the press to claim that, on that day, the country had no government authority; On the 5th of February, the date on which his resignation from the position of general headquarters was published, Deodoro met with the emperor. On the occasion, he handed him a long document, in which he pointed out in the acts of rebuke to Cunha Matos and Sena Madureira the purpose of discrediting the Army, considering them an “insult to the military class”. In the end, he asked the emperor to enforce the opinion of the CSMJ, which he himself had ordered executed on November 3 of the previous year. The visit did not change the situation, and the Minister of War continued to be honored. A week later, Deodoro, who was ill, sent a new appeal to the emperor, this time permeated with allusions to the seriousness of the political situation. He asserted popular support for the cause of the military, which made the “thing” more serious, assuring that only those who did not have the “intuition of pride and natural pride” and did not consider “the consequences to come” could “carelessly face the storm that is announced”, thanks to the ministry that “betrayed” the emperor in the Military Question. He ended the letter by informing that, if justice was not done to the military, he would feel ashamed of the uniform he wore and would resign from the Army. That same day, Alfredo Chaves was replaced by Joaquim Delfino Ribeiro da Luz at the head of the Ministry of War; In view of the change, Deodoro considered the Military Question closed. The new minister, however, maintained the position that the records of the punishments of Cunha Matos and Sena Madureira would only be canceled if the interested parties requested the “locking of the notes”. There was no consensus among the military directly involved in the issue. In a meeting held in the office of Alfredo Sena Madureira, the lieutenant colonel's brother, the latter, contrary to the government's demand, fell out, in particular, with Benjamin Constant, who placed him among the “turbulent ones who want to make the republic”. The officers affected based on the warnings defended the thesis that these were unconstitutional attitudes and that, therefore, they should be reversed on the initiative of the authorities that had adopted them; Realizing that he had been wrong in considering the Military Question resolved, Deodoro announced, through the pages of O País, that he maintained his positions in relation to the government. From Rio Grande do Sul, the Viscount of Pelotas proclaimed his solidarity with this attitude, stating that they could “no longer stop without the issue being honorably resolved, because that would mean retreating, bringing our moral annihilation as a consequence”. Arriving at the Court in early May 1887, on the 14th, the viscount published in O País, with Deodoro, a long manifesto, the writing of which some attribute to the journalist Rui Barbosa, instructed by the liberal senator Manuel Pinto de Sousa Dantas, former President of the Council of Ministers (1884-1885). In the document, they made veiled threats, claiming the condition of “armed citizens” and warning that what was being agitated was not a class issue, because the debasement of the Army would involve society, which had in it the “most stable security of the peace, legality, civil organization of the State”. The appeal they made to the “opinion of the country” was the ultimate declaration that they would remain at the “post of resistance to illegality [...] as long as the postponed right does not receive its full satisfaction” and would have to be consistent, “as someone who does not know the path where one retreats without honor”; The document had an impact on the Court. Parliamentary activities and business were suspended, while the most varied rumors about the seriousness of the facts circulated around the city. In a meeting held a few days later between Deodoro, Pelotas, Benjamin Constant and others, the idea was advanced that the conditions were in place for a military movement with the aim of deposing the government of Cotegipe – dubbed by the opposition press as “interim emperor”. −, since everyone understood that the emperor was in poor health, without control over his chief of staff; On May 18, Pelotas addressed the Senate, in a session that, for many observers, would go down as one of the most tense in the history of the House, to attack the government once again. He reminded Cotegipe, who was present, that a revolution had deposed Dom Pedro I in 1831 and that fact was already well accepted by all. He appealed to the head of government to withdraw from his position so that the Military Question could be resolved in an honorable and dignified manner. Otherwise, one could not know “what could happen tomorrow, despite trusting the noble President of the Council in the armed force that he has at his disposal”; Negotiations followed between leaders of the Liberal Party, Cotegipe and Pelotas, in which Deodoro did not participate because he was ill, although he was consulted. An agreement was reached whereby a proposal to invite the government to suspend the effects of notices considered unconstitutional by the Superior Military and Justice Council would be presented in the Senate. The nomination was presented on May 20, in the form of a motion, by Silveira Martins. The discussion that followed indicated, mainly in the intervention of the Viscount of Taunay and in the self-defense of Cotegipe, the perception of the seriousness of the political crisis. More than the authority of the government, the stability of the regime was at stake; The strong political mobilization of a significant segment of the Army left the country under the threat of civil war. Against a small number of votes, the nomination was approved by the Senate. Then, the government canceled the punishment notes for Cunha Matos and Sena Madureira. The pending matter with the officials was resolved, but the government came out of the crisis seriously worn out; The military sectors that had been involved in the conflict decided to organize themselves nationally. Deodoro engaged, with Benjamin Constant and Sena Madureira, in the project of organizing, at Court and in all the important garrisons in the country, military centers or clubs similar to the Clube Naval, founded three years earlier. On June 2, Army officers met at the residence of Captain Inocêncio Serzedelo Correia to discuss, under the chairmanship of Colonel Cândido José da Costa, a draft statute presented by Marciano Augusto Botelho de Magalhães, brother of Benjamin Constant. To prepare an opinion, a commission was elected, composed of Deodoro, Benjamin Constant and Sena Madureira. The latter was in charge of preparing a definitive version of the statute project, finally approved in a general meeting held on July 4, 1887 at the headquarters of the Clube Naval. The aims of the Military Club were defined as strengthening the ties of union and solidarity between Army and Navy officers and defending, through the press, and with the powers of the State, the rights and legitimate interests of the “military class”. In the “Transitional Provisions”, the formation of a commission was determined to study the creation of a general military assembly. The club's board of directors was made up of Deodoro (president), sea and war captain Custódio José de Melo (vice-president), Colonel José Simeão de Oliveira (first secretary), Marciano Magalhães (second secretary) and Benjamin Constant (treasurer, a position he would exchange, in August, for that of vice president). A press commission was constituted by the sea and war captains José Marques Guimarães and Eduardo Wandenkolk and Sena Madureira; Simultaneously with the creation of the Military Club, a proposal arose to launch a military candidacy for the vacancy opened in the Senate by the death of a representative of the province of Rio de Janeiro. Deodoro was the chosen name. Benjamin Constant declared that, having never voted, he would vote for a military candidate who had no party ties and adopted as a program the abolition of slavery, the autonomy of the provinces, civil marriage, the separation of Church and State and the secularization of cemeteries, points common to republicans and some liberal sectors. Deodoro, declaring himself non-partisan and defending this program, received the support of republicans and the Abolitionist Confederation. After the election was held on July 17, it was in last place, but the little more than a thousand votes received, largely concentrated in the Court, were understood as a sign of the strong impact of the military crises and abolitionism on the electorate, since the consultation had taken place in the most solid conservative slave stronghold in the country; In a demonstration promoted by abolitionists in his honor shortly after the election, Deodoro declared himself a supporter of the long-standing cause, stating that he had competed to obtain a large number of letters of manumission. At the end of September, he sent a letter of protest to the baron of Cotegipe against the disciplinary arrest of students from the Military School of Porto Alegre who had published a welcome note to Joaquim Nabuco, an abolitionist leader who was returning from a trip to England; Abolition was the first major national issue in which the Military Club intervened. The social movement against slavery was expanding, developing new forms of struggle, mainly in the provinces of São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro. The number of cases of slaves escaping from rural properties rapidly increased, not always peacefully. The provincial public forces and the Army were being called upon to collaborate in the pursuit of those who escaped from the farms. This attribution clashed with the broad abolitionist tendency existing among the military. At the first meeting of the Military Club, held a few days after a violent episode of slave escapes in Itu (SP), Benjamin Constant proposed to Deodoro that the club adopt the banner of abolition. Thus was born the petition, dated October 25, 1887, in which the members of the Military Club asked Princess Isabel – the Emperor had been in Europe since June, having left his daughter as regent – not to consent to the use of Army forces in the capture of runaway slaves, that is, as captains of the bush. The attitude had wide public repercussions and, although they continued to be sent to capture operations, the military began to boycott the missions. At this moment, as Carla Nascimento points out, the political crisis surrounding the freedom of expression of the military began to intersect with the crisis of the monarchical regime itself, expressed by the disintegration of the party cadre and by the opposition to slave labor. The Military Club's motion indicated that the state sector in charge of sustaining the slave order became an element of its own disintegration; A new clash between the military and the government took place in February 1888, when the Court police arrested the captain-lieutenant of the Armada Antônio José Leite Lobo, who complained of mistreatment in prison, for which he blamed the lieutenant commander of the police unit. The Clube Naval demanded compensation from the government, which only committed to opening an inquiry. While groups of police and military clashed in the streets of the city, on the first day of March, the Military Club set up, in a general meeting, a commission to demonstrate the Army's adherence to the Navy's procedure in the case. Once again the government yielded to pressure from the military, successively dismissing the ensign, the chief of police and, finally, the head of government himself, Baron de Cotegipe, an ardent slaveholder, who was replaced by councilor João Alfredo, also from the Conservative Party, but defender of the abolition of slavery; The Chamber of Deputies received, on May 8, João Alfredo's project that determined the immediate abolition of slavery. After being discussed for three days, the project was approved and immediately sent to the Senate, where it was also sanctioned. On May 13, 1888, in the afternoon, it was made law and countersigned by Princess Isabel; Deodoro participated in the celebrations that followed the end of slavery, including the banquet that, in June, paid homage to councilor João Alfredo. But, by all indications, the turbulent political situation experienced by the monarchy did not make him allow himself to be seduced by the republican alternative. In correspondence exchanged at the end of 1888 with his nephew Clodoaldo da Fonseca, a student at the Military School of Porto Alegre and a republican, he supported the thesis that the monarchy, with all its problems, was the “only support” of the country, and the republic would constitute, in Brazil, a “true misfortune”, because Brazilians were not prepared for it. Among the exceptions, he pointed out Júlio de Castilhos, republican leader in Rio Grande do Sul; Probably to remove him from the political center of the country, Minister of War Tomás Coelho invited Deodoro to assume the post of commander of arms in Mato Grosso. To accept the position, Deodoro imposed the condition that he also assume the presidency of the province and receive powers to organize three military brigades, which he considered necessary for the control of the border zone. He received an answer from the minister that greatly expanded his military responsibilities, but not the appointment to the provincial executive. On December 27, he embarked for Mato Grosso. He arrived in Corumbá on January 30, 1889 and assumed the command assigned to him. There, he was surrounded by Republican officials. When his brother Severiano da Fonseca died, on March 19, he would have declared, according to his biographer, that the only person who could still contain him had died. In response to the tribute that officials paid him on the first anniversary of the abolition of slavery, he stated that nothing could stop him and that those who thought he was imprisoned were mistaken, because the webs that involved him were spider webs and he could free himself from them easily ; On June 11, a new cabinet of ministers took office, headed by the Viscount of Ouro Preto, a senator for the Liberal Party. His government program included several proposals to reform the monarchical regime, which, in his opinion, should assume the form of a representative constitutional monarchy. It reduced the highly centralized character of the Empire, without, however, implementing federalism, and contemplated the republicans with the end of the lifetime of the Senate and the adoption of freedom of worship. Accused in the Chamber of starting the republic, Ouro Preto retorted that, on the contrary, his program would lead to the unusability of the republic. During the debates, he received criticism from liberals, for his timidity in relation to the problem of federalism, and from conservatives, oppositionists; With the inauguration of the Ouro Preto cabinet and the appointment of the Viscount of Maracaju to the Ministry of War, Deodoro resigned from the position he held in Mato Grosso. He arrived in Rio de Janeiro on September 13, 1889, and his landing was, once again, the reason for great political mobilization. On the same day, new friction with civil authorities reinforced the opposition of military segments to the government. Ouro Preto happened to arrive at the Ministry of Finance building and not find the head of the guard, Lieutenant Pedro Carolino Pinto de Almeida, at the post. Understanding that the officer slept on duty, he ordered his arrest. The lieutenant explained that he was absent to satisfy physiological needs, but order was maintained; The “Caroline incident” had, from the beginning, its dimensions potentiated by the political action of civil and military sectors. The appointment of Councilor Cândido de Oliveira to the War portfolio, although temporarily replacing the incumbent, Viscount of Maracaju, deeply displeased the groups still marked by the Military Question, during which they had antagonized with him. At the same time that the opposition press was taking the case as a pretext to lash out at the government, the interim Minister of War confirmed the arrest of the lieutenant, setting the duration of the sentence at eight days; The minister's attitude provoked military movements. On September 15, a group made up of students from the Escola Superior de Guerra and other young officers, a total of 40 members of the Military Club, asked Deodoro, president of the club, to convene an extraordinary session to deal with the “Carolino case”. ”. The answer was that at that time there was no need to hold such a session. According to the Military Club statutes, however, the number of signatures guaranteed the call of the session, and the officers resorted to Benjamin Constant, who made arrangements with Deodoro to hold a protest session. As Deodoro was ill, Benjamin Constant offered to preside over the requested session; Still ill, Deodoro was being replaced by Benjamin Constant as president of the Clube Militar when yet another conflict broke out between the Minister of War and an officer. This time, the pivot was Lieutenant Colonel João Nepomuceno de Medeiros Mallet, commander of the Ceará Military School. Disputes surrounding filling a vacancy for an instructor, resolved due to political efforts, made Mallet, feeling discredited, announce that he would resign. The reaction of the Minister of War, Councilor Cândido de Oliveira, was violent: on October 23, he dismissed him “for the sake of public service” and ordered him to be submitted to military justice for breaching the rules of discipline and disrespecting the law. military hierarchy; On the morning of that same day, the now Lieutenant Colonel Benjamin Constant went to the Military School, where the authorities were throwing a party for the officers of the Chilean cruiser Almirante Cochrane, which had just arrived in Rio de Janeiro on a courtesy visit. He had been invited by the students, since, having recently been appointed professor at the Escola Superior de Guerra, he was no longer part of the teaching staff of that school. Toasts were made to the authorities present, and then a student proposed toasting to him. Benjamin Constant spoke for more than an hour, criticizing the government, represented there by the interim Minister of War, and blaming it for the conflicts between the Army and the civil power; Rumors that the government would punish Benjamin Constant had military youth up in arms and eager to show solidarity with him. A surprise party was prepared at the Escola Superior de Guerra. On the 26th, at the end of class, students and officers invaded his room and honored him for his speech on the 23rd. Three speakers highlighted, in passionate speeches, the defense he had made “of the rights and pride of the national Army and Navy”. While still at school, Benjamin Constant received a note from Quintino Bocaiúva, national leader of the Republican Party, asking him to meet. At lunch, he received a message signed on the same day by 39 students from the Military School of Praia Vermelha, the first of a series of six statements of similar content that he would receive before November 15 and that would become known as “blood pacts”. The text denounced politicians as enemies of the nation, proclaimed solidarity with Benjamin Constant and asked him to lead the signatories in the struggle for freedom; The meeting requested by Quintino Bocaiúva took place the following day, October 27, at Benjamin Constant's residence. They agreed that it would be appropriate to publish articles that stirred up the Army's spirit against the government, attributing measures to reduce the morale and personal economy of the military, as well as their rights to stability and life in office. In the following days, O País would publish several articles along the right lines, one of which accused the government of intending to re-submit to Parliament the mandatory Montepio law, considered by the military to be harmful to their rights and pride. This article, later commented and endorsed by Rui Barbosa in the pages of Diário de Notícias, would have explosive repercussions among Army officers; While the authorities handed out some punishments – dismissal of the commander of the Escola Superior de Guerra and censorship of the speakers –, on October 30, Benjamin Constant met with the republican leader Aristides da Silveira Lobo in his office, in the center of the city. They plotted intensely, but the emperor did not seem to realize the seriousness of the situation. From the palace of São Cristóvão, what transpired was the commitment with which a ball was being organized, scheduled for the 9th of November on Fiscal Island, close to the city's docks. It would be yet another tribute – the most exuberant one, it was hoped – to Admiral Cochrane's officialdom; Deodoro, who was convalescing at home, was visited on November 4 by some young republican officers. In the presence of his nephew Clodoaldo da Fonseca, he heard arguments in favor of overthrowing the monarchy. Although still reticent, according to his biographer, at the end of the meeting he admitted the need to change the form of government, to the benefit of the homeland and the Army; On November 6 Deodoro was visited by Benjamin Constant, who later met with his son, his brother Marciano and some young officers to discuss the Military Question. The group arranged a secret meeting of some members of the Military Club for the 8th and another, open one, for the 9th, the same date as the ball scheduled by the Crown. He also resolved to take measures to avoid suspicion on the part of the government: the meeting of the Military Club should be held in complete discretion; as a demonstration of discipline, they managed to make it public that they accepted the announced departure of the 22nd Infantry Regiment to the Amazon, which the military understood as a measure taken by the government to divide them. The following day, a new meeting, now attended by Quintino Bocaiúva, decided that it was time for the republican leaders to meet with Deodoro to define the organization of the future provisional government; On the 8th, Diário de Notícias published the article “Questão Militar”, by Rui Barbosa, highly praising Benjamin Constant. In the evening, the secret meeting agreed on the 6th was held at the Military Club. At this meeting, the direction that would be given to the problem of directing the work of political and military organization of the republican coup was decided. The following day, when the public meeting of the Military Club would take place, the city was in anticipation of the ball on Fiscal Island. Diário de Notícias published the article “Plan against the Fatherland”, also by Rui Barbosa, who was approached by Benjamin Constant in his office, where they talked about the political situation, which they characterized as an “imminent explosion”; Deodoro was still hampered by his health condition, and Benjamin Constant was the president of the Military Club session. Although the entity was somewhat abandoned, with only around 120 members and an insignificant participation of senior officers, there were 116 present at the meeting, thanks to the affiliation effort developed in the previous days. Benjamin Constant raised the problem of the direction of the movement, requesting that "it be given full powers to lead the military class out of a state of affairs incompatible with its honor and dignity". The request having been unanimously approved, the vice-president of the club made a final statement, asking for a few days to carry out the mission; The following day, Benjamin Constant began fulfilling the mandate received at the Military Club. He did not, however, take any initiative to contact the government. On the contrary, after lunch and still under the impact of the morning departure of the 22nd Battalion for Amazonas, he sought out Deodoro at his residence and, according to reports made by himself, managed to convince him to lead a movement for the implantation of the Republic. in the country. On the 11th, he organized a meeting between Deodoro, Quintino, Rui Barbosa, Francisco Glicério, representative of the republicans from São Paulo, and some officers, including those from the Navy. On the occasion, he defended the proposal of a military intervention in the political scene aimed at the destruction of the monarchy, after which the Army would retreat to the barracks, handing over the government of the nation to the civil power. Deodoro, faced with an appeal made to him to assume leadership of the movement, declared himself convinced that the emperor no longer governed and accepted the charge. Thus, the agreement was sealed between the most prestigious military leader and the leadership of the Republican Party on the project to replace the Monarchy with the Republic. On the initiative of Quintino Bocaiúva, the formation of the new government was also discussed. The republican leader proposed that the presidency be attributed to Deodoro, who defended the name of Benjamin Constant, who also refused the position. After all, it was agreed that Deodoro would be the first president of republican Brazil, leaving Quintino Bocaiúva in charge of indicating the names of future ministers; While these demonstrations were taking place, an emissary of Benjamin Constant made contact with the republican group with a positivist tendency and divergent from the national leadership of the Republican Party, led by Antônio da Silva Jardim and Aníbal Falcão. In a short interview with Aníbal Falcão, Benjamin Constant made him aware of the movement, which he guaranteed was federalist and civil-military. High-ranking officials were also asked about the possibility of joining the movement. General Floriano Peixoto, then Adjutant General of the Army, was one of them, but on the occasions when he was sought at home he was always with visitors. Deodoro managed, however, to meet with him and heard the opinion that he should do nothing before exhausting the possibilities of understanding with the government; Notices reached the government, many of them anonymous, realizing that something was being plotted in military bodies. But the Minister of War and the Adjutant General always reassured the government. On 12 November, while a Cabinet meeting was taking place, Benjamin Constant consolidated the Armada's support for the movement in contacts with Rear Admiral Eduardo Wandenkolk and other officials; Two days later, in a meeting between Benjamin Constant, Aristides Lobo, Lieutenant Lauro Sodré, General Almeida Barreto, Colonel Cândido José da Costa and Major Sólon Ribeiro, it was agreed that the insurrection would take place on November 16 and that they would take the following measures: assault the Secretariat of State where the ministers were meeting, who would be arrested; send the 7th Infantry Regiment to the War Arsenal, with the aim of taking it and from there sending resources to the other forces; provoke the departure of troops stationed in Campo de Santana (Campo da Aclamação); march the Battalion of Engineers from Realengo with the machine guns and ammunition that could be gathered. At night, Deodoro met with Benjamin Constant. Their poor health conditions and the inaccuracy of military information led them to decide to postpone the insurrectionary action for a few days; The government learned that rumors were circulating in the city that it intended to arrest Deodoro da Fonseca and Benjamin Constant. It was, in fact, a rumor that Major Solon had decided to spread in order to precipitate events. Informed that the 1st Cavalry Regiment was in arms, the Viscount of Ouro Preto summoned the ministers to a meeting, around 11 pm, at the Army Headquarters, in Campo de Santana. In the inner courtyard of the barracks and in front of the building, about two thousand men were stationed, belonging to the 7th and 10th Line Infantry battalions, the Court Police Corps, the Fire Brigade and the Navy; In fact, spurred on by rumors, the corps stationed in the São Cristóvão neighborhood had decided to take up arms and await the arrival of the chiefs. At dawn on November 15, Benjamin Constant was picked up from his residence at the Instituto dos Cegos and taken to the Army Headquarters to take the lead of the rebel forces – 1st and 3rd Cavalry Regiments and 2nd Field Artillery Regiment, which formed the 2nd Brigade of the Army; In the meantime Deodoro had received a warning from Benjamin Constant and, despite the precarious physical conditions he was in, he had gone to Campo de Santana, very close to his residence. There he took command of the rebel troops. At that moment, the only bloody episode of the day took place: the Minister of the Navy, Baron de Ladário, was on his way to the Headquarters when he received an order to arrest a lieutenant and reacted, being wounded. In a few minutes, the force that manned the Headquarters was surrounded, without reaction, by the 9th Cavalry Regiment. The artillery troops lined up in front of the building, the Navy and the Police fraternized with the rebels; Still at the end of May, when the state succession in Pernambuco broke out, a serious conflict broke out involving the Bernardist groups of Estácio Coimbra and the nilist groups of Francisco de Assis da Rosa e Silva. Fighting took to the streets of Recife and union leader Joaquim Pimenta organized a general strike in support of the Nilists. The situation worsened when Hermes da Fonseca telegraphed the commander of the military garrison in Recife, stating that the Army should not intervene, so as not to be the “executioner of the people of Pernambuco”. Epitácio had Marshal Hermes arrested for a few hours and, based on a law of his that prohibited “associations harmful to society”, a law whose objective was the repression of anarchism, but which also covered pimping, closed the Military Club for six months; The military response came days later, mainly from young officers. At dawn on July 5, 1922, after a series of preparations, the rebellion broke out, with the adhesion of the garrison based in Campo Grande, then in the state of Mato Grosso, and of garrisons from Niterói and Rio de Janeiro, especially, in the latter city, the Fort of Copacabana, which fell on the morning of the 6th, in the episode known as the 18 of the Fort. Epitácio immediately requested a state of siege, approved by Congress on July 5th for 30 days and, after this period, extended until December 31st. While still in Parliament, he resumed discussion of the Press Law proposed by Senator Adolfo Gordo, which would be approved during the Bernardes government, in 1923;

Oligarchy:

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149 - Artur da Silva Bernardes was born in Viçosa on August 8, 1875, son of Antônio da Silva Bernardes and Maria Aniceta Pinto Bernardes. His father was Portuguese and, since the middle of the 19th century, worked as a solicitor in various districts of the Zona da Mata in Minas Gerais, ending up settling in Viçosa, where he was the first provisional lawyer and, finally, a prosecutor. His mother belonged to the Vieira de Sousa family, founders of Rio Casca, a town close to Viçosa; He did his first studies in Viçosa itself, and at the end of 1887, at the age of 12, he was enrolled in Colégio do Caraça, a traditional institution of Lazarist missionaries in Minas Gerais. His family's financial difficulties made him, however, abandon his studies two years later to go to work at the firm Pena e Graça, in which his brother-in-law José da Graça Sousa Pereira was a partner. The firm, headquartered in Coimbra, Viçosa district, intermediated the purchase and sale of coffee between producers and exporters. His second job was at Adriano Teles, in the city of Rio Branco. There, at the age of 18, he became an accountant (bookkeeper, as they said at the time), the maximum he could aspire to as an employee. A decree signed in 1894 by the president of Minas Gerais, Afonso Pena, however opened up the prospect of resuming his studies: it allowed single enrollment in the Colégio Mineiro day school for those who wanted to take final exams in the secondary school subjects. That same year, he quit his job and moved to Ouro Preto, then the state capital, in order to obtain his diplomas and attend a private course where he intended to study for the preparatory exams (equivalent to the current entrance exam). Still in 1894 he began to take these exams, which he would only finish in 1896. He lived in a boarding house and worked in several newspapers edited in the then capital, after having been, for a short period, courier of the Post and Telegraphs; In 1896, even before completing the preparatory courses, he enrolled as a student in the first year of the Free Faculty of Law along with other companions, including Raul Soares, who would accompany him for a long time in political life. The objective was to take the final exams of the first year in the second season, once the preparatory courses were completed. After successfully completing all the tests, in April 1897 Bernardes and his group were effectively integrated into the second-year class at the college. It was at that moment, in a climate that still reflected the agitation of the Floriano Peixoto government (1891-1894), that he began to participate in public life; In March 1897, an unsuccessful attack by federal forces against the rebellious sertanejos of Canudos – identified as triggering a great conspiracy against the Republic – provoked the sending of two police battalions from Minas to the interior of Bahia, in support of federal troops. . At the same time, for an eventual armed defense of the regime, the Patriotic Battalion Bias Fortes was organized, in which Bernardes, a great admirer of Marshal Floriano, enlisted. Still in 1897 he participated in the direction of the student newspaper Academia, of ephemeral life; In the third year of the course, in 1898, the state capital was transferred to Cidade de Minas – the original name of Belo Horizonte, located in the former Curral del Rei – and the Faculty of Law also moved there. In February 1899, Bernardes made his debut in the criminal court in Viçosa, acting alongside his father, the prosecutor and, consequently, the accuser of the defendant that his son was defending. In the same year he transferred to the Faculty of Law of São Paulo, joining Raul Soares. To support himself, he got a job as a proofreader at Correio Paulistano, the official organ of the Paulista Republican Party. He was also faithful in the notary office of Eulálio da Costa Carvalho, father of senator Álvaro Carvalho. He also obtained, through competition, the position of professor of Latin and Portuguese at the Instituto de Ciências e Letras de São Paulo, also giving private lessons in these subjects; In São Paulo, he became prestigious among his colleagues, having been chosen to speak at the Festa da Chave, the traditional celebration of the end of the course. In December 1900, he received a bachelor's degree in legal and social sciences and immediately returned to his hometown, where he was received with a demonstration at the railway station and a ball at night: he was the first son of Viçosa to graduate in law since the installation of the county; He opened his law firm before the end of the year. At the beginning of 1901 he was appointed prosecutor of the district of Manhuaçu, a position he preferred not to assume in order to remain in Viçosa. A problem that disturbed the operation of his office – the fact that his father, with whom he lived, was the city's public prosecutor – was resolved when the old Antônio Bernardes resigned from his position. He started to practice law with his son, returning to the status of solicitor. For two and a half years Bernardes practiced law, constantly traveling through neighboring regions. Practicing Catholic, his name systematically appeared in commissions celebrating Holy Week and other religious manifestations. He also began collaborating in the weekly Cidade de Viçosa, owned by powerful local political boss Carlos Vaz de Melo; His connection with Vaz de Melo would become much closer in July 1903, when he married one of his daughters, Clélia Vaz de Melo. Carlos Vaz de Melo was then a senator of the Republic, but he had already been deputy general in the Empire between 1881 and 1885 and federal deputy between 1894 and 1903, having also held the presidency of the Chamber of Deputies from 1899 to 1903. He was also a lawyer, farmer and industrialist; Bernardes had opened before him, according to the classic molds in force at the time, the perspective of politics. And his father-in-law did not hesitate to encourage him, honoring him at the municipal level, restricted but decisive in the political life of the Zona da Mata, which was to say, at the time, decisive in Minas Gerais politics. The beginning of his career took place in April 1904, when he gave a speech in homage to the president of the state, Francisco Sales, when he passed through the Viçosa railway station; On November 19 of the same year municipal elections were held throughout the state. The Viçosa branch of the Partido Republicano Mineiro, the only party in the state between 1897 and 1930, nominated Bernardes for councilor in the Teixeiras district, where he was unanimously voted by 52 voters. Three days later, his father-in-law died, an event that accelerated his ascension, as it fell to him to replace him at the head of municipal politics. The replacement began at the direction of the newspaper Cidade de Viçosa, whose owner was Carlos Vaz de Melo, his brother-in-law. Bernardes took over the newspaper in January 1905, publishing a signed article on the front page in which he defended the revision of the 1891 Constitution, whose untouchability was one of the republican taboos. The theme was dear to him, and it was during his own government period, more than 20 years later, that the revision ended up being carried out; His appointment to the direction of the newspaper had repercussions in the Zona da Mata, to the extent that extra-municipal articles began to be published. In July 1905, he was elected president of the Municipal Chamber of Viçosa, but preferred to remain in the vice-presidency, keeping the councilor who already held the position in the presidency. The following year, however, he was again elected president, assuming the role of executive agent, corresponding to that of the current mayor; In the renewal of the state chamber, he had his name nominated to run for a deputy seat for the second electoral district, which covered several municipalities in Mata. In March 1907 he was elected, as were all PRM candidates. At the beginning of the legislature, in June, he was chosen first secretary of the House. He confined his work especially to economic and financial problems, which he had come to experience concretely, as the farmer he had become. In October, he was the official speaker at the Zona da Mata Congress of Municipalities; In the second legislative session, which began in July 1908, he was re-elected first secretary. He collaborated in the approval of the tax reform carried out by João Pinheiro, who governed the state. This collaboration and the municipal prestige he held accredited him to be nominated by the PRM to run – the only state deputy to do so at the time – for a federal deputy seat for the second electoral district; The PRM nomination was contested by Francisco Bernardino Rodrigues da Silva, Juiz de Fora's lawyer and occupant of the chair for several legislatures. There was dispute. When the elections were held in January 1909, Bernardes was the least voted among his running mates in the second district, with around 11,000 votes, a number still higher than the 9,000 or so given to Francisco Bernardino, who had allied himself with his municipal opponents. from Viçosa; Bernardes' vote, especially in Viçosa itself, was contested, but on May 24 he had his election recognized and sworn in. His performance as a federal deputy in that legislature was erased. In Viçosa, however, he achieved excellent results for Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, who ran against Rui Barbosa for the presidency of the Republic in 1910, undeniably defining his municipal hegemony; He interrupted his mandate in September 1910 to assume the Finance Secretariat of the government of Minas, presided at the time by Júlio Bueno Brandão. The position was important in itself (Minas Gerais was then the most populous state in the country and the second in terms of economic activity), but also as a springboard towards higher positions, a path that Bernardes' generation - especially the young the Zona da Mata – began to climb, in a process of replacing the Minas Gerais political leadership; His tenure at the Finance Secretariat focused on raising revenue. It created 34 collection offices in different parts of the state, reorganized the Receivadoria de Minas Gerais in Rio de Janeiro (through whose port a good part of Minas Gerais production was shipped) and signed an agreement with the state of São Paulo to prevent coffee produced in the south of Minas left for the port of Santos without paying taxes. A similar agreement, covering other products, was signed with Espírito Santo. In 1911 he inaugurated new modalities for granting long-term loans to municipalities and in 1912 created the Beneficent Fund for State Employees, which operated for ten years, until it became the State Employees' Pension Fund. During his management, understandings were finalized with the French bankers Perrier for the installation of Banco Hipotecário Agrícola, today Banco do Estado de Minas Gerais; Bueno Brandão's government ended in September 1914 and Bernardes returned to Viçosa. Once again, he was nominated by the PRM to run for one of the deputy seats at stake in the second district. In the January 1915 elections, he was the most popular candidate in the constituency, establishing himself as the political leader of the Zona da Mata. In the Chamber of Deputies, he was appointed chairman of the Special Committee on the Accounting Code; Bernardes was serving his second term as federal deputy when, in early 1917, consideration began to be given to succession in Minas Gerais. The president of the state was Delfim Moreira, who appointed the Secretary of the Interior of his government, Américo Lopes, who belonged to the group of the president of the PRM, Francisco Sales, to succeed him. The understandings that followed, involving the PRM executive committee (the “Tarasca”) and Bernardes, were successful, but marginalized the two other secretaries of the Minas Gerais government, Raul Soares (Agriculture) and Teodomiro Santiago (Finance); Raul Soares perceived in Delfim Moreira's attitude the intention to remove the Zona da Mata (to which he also belonged, as a politician from Ubá) from the state succession, and he counterattacked, articulating with leaders not subordinated to the command of Francisco Sales to argue the thesis of the moral ineligibility of state secretaries, especially when occupying the Interior portfolio. The impasse led to the intervention of the President of the Republic, Venceslau Brás, from Minas Gerais, who accepted the embargo from Secretary Américo Lopes and offered a list of alternative names, among which Bernardes was not included. At that point, Delfim Moreira had already fixed himself on the name of the latter, threatening to split the PRM to guarantee the victory of his new option. Therefore, it was enough for the name of Bernardes to be suggested by Raul Soares to Venceslau Brás for the PRM to unite around the deputy from Viçosa. The choice was made official by the party's executive committee in June 1917, together with that of state senator Eduardo Amaral, for vice-president. In September, the PRM state convention approved the candidacies; Unity had been maintained, but command was changing hands. The rise of Artur Bernardes to the highest position in Minas Gerais politics (state elections were held in March 1918) and, thus, to the forefront of Brazilian public life, would mark the beginning of the elimination of the old political leadership of Minas; Bernardes' government in Minas began in September 1918. The role played by Francisco Sales in the succession of Delfim Moreira provided the new state president with the pretext for a vigorous campaign to destroy “salismo”, seen by him and Raul Soares as a symbol of of the anachronistic policy of the “colonels”. This mix of renovation and authoritarianism led to Bernardes' government being considered by Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco, in Um estadista da República, “a kind of enlightened dictatorship”. “Enlightened”, basically, due to the composition of the secretariat with prestigious names. The Secretary of the Interior was initially Raul Soares, who would leave the position in August 1919 to take over the Ministry of the Navy from President Epitácio Pessoa, being replaced by Afonso Pena Júnior. For Finance, the then federal deputy Afrânio de Melo Franco was appointed, called in November 1918 to occupy the Ministry of Transport of President Delfim Moreira, and replaced by João Luís Alves. Finally, the secretary of Agriculture, Industry, Land, Transport and Public Works was Clodomiro de Oliveira; In February 1919, Bernardes sent the PRM executive committee, chaired by Senator Francisco Sales, a list of party candidates for the election of 1/4 of the senators and all the deputies of the state legislature that was about to begin. All PRM leaders – including those linked to Sales, who limited themselves to providing him with moral support – complied with the determination and signed the candidates' presentation bulletin. It was a coup de grace for the prestige of the senator, who practically abandoned the party, accompanied by the deputies Américo Lopes and Francisco Bressane – Sales, however, would only publicly manifest his divergence two years later, when there was the renewal of the third of the Senate and the entirety of the Chamber of Deputies, and Bernardes' candidacy for the presidency of the Republic was put forward. After this episode, Bernardes effectively assumed the leadership of the PRM, which he would retain, with some periods of removal, until the extinction of the party, in 1937; Another relevant event of the same year was the replacement of vice-president Delfim Moreira, who had temporarily assumed the presidency of the Republic in November 1918, due to the illness that would lead to the death, in January 1919, of the elected president (for the second time) Rodrigues Alves. At the end of the series of three governments of São Paulo presidents (Prudente de Morais, Rodrigues Alves and Campos Sales), following the military predominance that inaugurated the Republic, the “policy of governors” was established, which, later, defined as the alternation of the PRP and PRM in the presidency, would become known as the policy of “coffee-with-milk” agreements. Thus, if the presidency fell to Rodrigues Alves in the quadrennium 1918-1922, this meant that, in principle, it should remain with São Paulo. However, the president of that state, Altino Arantes, did not unify local politics, and a faction supported the launching of the name of Rui Barbosa, made by the former president of the Republic Nilo Peçanha; The name of Bernardes – head of the other great state of the “coffee with milk” policy, although “new”, like Arantes – was an alternative. But he understood that it was necessary first to consolidate his prestige in Minas, whose government was just beginning, and only later, with complete security, to aspire to Catete. In addition, making explicit the difficulties faced by Situationists throughout the country in reaching an agreement, the head of Rio Grande do Sul politics, Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros, took a position against launching a name that was from Rio Grande do Sul, São Paulo or Minas Gerais, although he was willing to endorse a “neutral” name favored by the latter two states; Bernardes preferred to assert himself in the role of arbiter of the succession – counting on the full support of Minas – instead of being a candidate, a hypothesis that, in addition to not resolving the issue in national terms, would tend to highlight the political divisions mining. The PRM thus launched the candidacy of Senator Epitácio Pessoa from Paraíba, also adopted by the Rio-Grandense Republican Party headed by Borges de Medeiros, and welcomed by the majority of the PRP; Epitácio defeated Rui Barbosa at the situationist convention held in February 1919. Rui ended up launching his candidacy for the opposition. The elections, which gave Epitácio Pessoa a peaceful victory, were held in April, and his government was installed the following July. Bernardes came out of the episode strengthened in Minas and at the national level, insofar as he presented a proposal capable of bringing together the situationists from all states. But what was not noticed at the time, and what would become evident in the following succession, is that the choice of a politician from another state altered for the first time the political game of the great units of the Federation; Bernardes' administration favored, as he had already announced on his platform, the Zona da Mata. He promoted the guarantee of prices – appreciation – of coffee and, in the tax reform he carried out in the state, reduced the export tax – not only on coffee, but also on cereals and cattle, in order to stimulate their production. In the 1920 message to the state Congress, Bernardes proposed the creation of a School of Agriculture and Veterinary Medicine in Viçosa. The school (now a university) would only be inaugurated in August 1926, shortly before the end of his quadrennium as President of the Republic; Also in 1920, Bernardes promoted a reform of the state Constitution, whose main items were: increasing the mandates of councilors by one year, prohibiting the creation of lifetime jobs, granting retirement or pensions, and limiting, with the exception of teachers, the budget allocation of allowances, percentages and salaries of personnel in an amount not exceeding 25% of ordinary income; On the land of primary and secondary education, he built 13 school groups and created 421 isolated schools. As for higher education, he contributed to the founding of the Institute of Industrial Chemistry and the expansion of the clinics at the Faculty of Medicine in Belo Horizonte. In the field of public health, it built the Radio Institute, to fight cancer, and began construction of the current Raul Soares Neuropsychiatric Hospital, completed in 1924. It also opened about 1,500km of roads, and built six forum buildings and five regional chains; The relevant point of his administration was, however, the obstruction he opposed to the attempts of the American businessman Percival Farquhar, through which he founded the legend of his nationalist stance, reiterated in the 1940s and 1950s. nationalist campaign in 1912, the year in which, on the other hand, his economic group went bankrupt, he returned to business activities in Brazil in 1919, trying to establish in Minas the Itabira Iron Ore Company, a company of a British group for which he worked as a lawyer and that would pass under your control. Despite having obtained an advantageous contract from President Epitácio Pessoa, Farquhar had his iron ore exploration project obstructed by Bernardes, who wanted in return the implementation of steel in the state – foreseen in the contract, but actually outside of Farquhar's plans. Facilitated later, during the government of Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada (1926-1930), the contract of the Itabira Iron Ore Company would have its execution definitively prevented after the Revolution of 1930, during the government of President Getúlio Vargas; Due to the very role he played in appointing Epitácio Pessoa, Bernardes was qualified to be his successor. But the country was no longer the same. The process of disruption of Brazilian life that would lead to the Revolution of 1930 had already begun; Epitácio Pessoa's government provoked widespread discontent and opposition, from the military to the urban sectors and the São Paulo and Minas Gerais oligarchies, who decided to anticipate the examination of the succession problem. At the beginning of 1921, these last forces launched the candidacy of Bernardes, with the commitment that the next president would be Washington Luís, governor of São Paulo. In April, the official candidate was practically imposed on Epitácio, who for this reason abdicated the right to choose the vice-president; Against Bernardes's candidacy, Rio Grande do Sul, through Borges de Medeiros, denounced the political arrangement as a way to guarantee resources for coffee valorization schemes, when the country needed balanced finances. The gauchos also feared that a constitutional reform would be implemented, limiting the autonomy of the states. The national political split was evidenced by the non-attendance of former president Nilo Peçanha and the representatives of Rio Grande do Sul, Bahia, Pernambuco and Rio de Janeiro to the situationist convention, held on June 8, 1921. Nilo, supported by Borges de Medeiros, tried to make Bernardes give up in favor of Rui Barbosa or Venceslau Brás, but ended up agreeing to launch his own candidacy. Soon afterwards, the Republican Reaction was organized in Rio de Janeiro, which nominated the Nilo Peçanha-José Joaquim Seabra ticket for the 1922 elections; The elements were in place for the second true presidential campaign in Brazil (the other had taken place in 1910) and for the most serious of all the political crises that the Republic had known, in the context of the profound deterioration of the economic and social situation that marked the end of the government. of Epitacio. The military saw in the split of the oligarchies an opportunity to challenge them. According to Edgar Carone, in The Old Republic: political evolution, “a large part of the old officers continues to think of the Army as an instrument of pressure for their personal ambitions, of occupying places at the top of government; However, after the sergeants' revolt (1915), a new military generation resumed, in greater depth, the criticism of the current political system, and was no longer satisfied with the existing dubious attitude, which fatally led to the revolutionary movements of the 1910s. 1920”; Although the figure of Hermes da Fonseca could not be clearly identified with the aspirations for renewal, the marshal was the subject of tributes and, still in May 1921, chosen for the presidency of the Military Club. And it was with the aim of making Bernardes' candidacy incompatible with the officialdom – perhaps making the candidacy of a military man viable, in this case Hermes himself – that the scandal of “false letters” broke out; Forged by Oldemar Lacerda and Jacinto Guimarães, the letters had been on offer since the beginning of the second half of 1921, and the forgers had already tried to sell them to Bernardes himself, having been repelled. On October 9, 1921, Correio da Manhã printed a facsimile of one of them, dated June 3 and supposedly addressed by Bernardes to Raul Soares. After referring to Hermes as “this sergeant without composure”, and to the banquet at which his candidacy for the presidency was launched by numerous officers as an “orgy”, the letter said of the military: “this scoundrel needs a reprimand to enter the discipline". And he continued: “See if Epitacio shows his vaunted energy, severely punishing these daring ones, arresting those who deviated from discipline and removing these anarchist generals far away. If Epitácio, afraid, does not answer, use diplomacy, and after my acknowledgment we will settle accounts. The situation does not allow compromises, those that are venal, which is almost the totality, buy them with all their embroideries and braids”. The following day, another letter, calling Nilo Peçanha a “kid capable of anything” and confessing to the appropriation of public funds in Minas Gerais, was published in the same newspaper; Stunned by the publication of the letters, Bernardes vehemently denied authorship. In the following days, the Military Club met and declared the first letter, which concerned the corporation, false. Hermes da Fonseca himself expressed this opinion. But the electoral campaign became extremely tense and insubordination took hold in the barracks. Officers, mostly young – generally called “tenentes” – openly preached the conspiracy, if Bernardes were elected, and threats of a coup hung in the air in all states; The first repercussions of the “false letters” on the public resulted in a serious incident: on October 15, when he arrived in Rio de Janeiro to start his campaign, Bernardes received a loud boo from the crowd that occupied Avenida Rio Branco, for where his procession passed, surrounded by security measures. With the exception of Marshal Hermes in the 1910 elections, no candidate was as mistreated and ridiculed as Bernardes, “Mé” in popular songs at the time; The debate over the letters continued, in turn, leading the more radical military to press for the Military Club to take action. Despite repeated warnings from the government, motions on the case continued to be presented at the club's sessions, until, despite Hermes' opposition, a commission was formed for the expert examination of the documents, under the presidency of General Agostinho Gomes de Castro. The Clube Militar and Bernardes appointed their experts. Due to internal pressures against the situationist candidate, General Gomes de Castro resigned from his position on December 19, 1921. On the 23rd, two other officers resigned from their positions on the club's board. A day later it was the turn of experts from Bernardes, who were denied their request for an extension of the deadline for presenting the reports; Finally, on December 28, Admiral Américo Brasílio Silvado explained the work of the commission, and General Bonifácio da Costa read the report, which concluded that the first letter was authentic. However, he proposed that, “if no conclusive result was reached”, the case be definitively closed, “handing it over to the judgment of the Nation”; As a result, the election campaign became even more tumultuous and conflicted. The machinery of the republican parties, however, worked satisfactorily in the March 1922 election, showing Bernardes' victory from the beginning. Shortly after the elections, Oldemar Lacerda and Jacinto Guimarães confessed to being the authors of the “false letters”, but that was no longer the problem, but the overthrow of the government, desired by the civil-military opposition defeated at the polls; The results were not, in fact, accepted by the opposition. In early April, after announcing the need for verification of votes by a court of honor, Nilo Peçanha obtained the membership of the Military Club and Borges de Medeiros. Bernardes' response was that the idea should not be "proposed, discussed and decided on except within Congress, never among the organizers of the convention of June 8 [1921]". Congress, for its part, was against any outside interference. The counting work ended on June 7, with the recognition of the victory of Bernardes, who received just over 1.5 million votes, against around 700,000 given to Nilo Peçanha; In the meantime, a series of events made the situation even more delicate. In April, the agitation grew with the overthrow of the president of Maranhão, Raul Machado, carried out by the military police, by order of the president of the state congress – and with the connivance of the region's military authorities. On the 28th of the same month, a rebel movement in the Navy broke out in Niterói. On May 19, President Epitácio gathered several ministers and political leaders at the Catete palace to suggest that Bernardes give up taking office – “he will not last 24 hours in Catete” – and enter into an agreement with the opposition. The president of Minas refused to accept the suggestion, claiming to have been elected “in the most disputed and free of presidential elections”, in which he was immediately seconded by Washington Luís; On May 7, the sudden death of the vice-president elected with Bernardes, the Maranhão politician Urbano Santos, provoked a new offensive by Nilo Peçanha and Reação Republicana, who claimed with the Federal Supreme Court the recognition of J. J. Seabra to occupy the post. With the decision of the STF, Congress ordered that new elections be called, which would only take place in August, giving the victory to Estácio Coimbra, from Pernambuco

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165 - Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada was born in Barbacena on September 5, 1870, son of Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada and Adelaide Feliciano Duarte de Andrada. His father, also known as the “second Antônio Carlos”, founded the mining branch of the Andrada family when he moved from Santos, where he was born, to Barbacena, for health reasons. In addition to being a lawyer and municipal judge in that city, he was deputy general for Minas Gerais in 1884 and state senator in 1891; His paternal grandfather, Martim Francisco Ribeiro de Andrada, along with brothers José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva and Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada Machado e Silva, were part of the most prominent family in the process of independence in Brazil and in the early days of the monarchy. Grandsons of the Portuguese José Ribeiro de Andrada, who settled in Santos in 1678, the three brothers were leading figures in the emancipation of Brazil from Portugal. While José Bonifácio, the Patriarch of Independence, organized the ministry of January 1822 and led the pressure along with the future Dom Pedro I for the conquest of independence, and Antônio Carlos, a great orator, was deputy to the Portuguese courts in 1821, constituent in 1823 and a leading figure in the coup d'état that proclaimed the majority of Pedro II, Martim Francisco was Minister of Finance in July 1822, constituent in 1823, deputy general for Minas from 1830 to 1833 and once again Minister of Finance after the majority of Dom Pedro II. From his marriage to his niece Gabriela Frederica Ribeiro de Andrada, daughter of José Bonifácio, in addition to the “second Antônio Carlos”, Martim Francisco Ribeiro de Andrada, general deputy for São Paulo from 1861 to 1868 and from 1878 to 1886, minister of Foreigners in 1866 and Justice from 1866 to 1868 and State Councilor in 1879, and José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, also deputy general for São Paulo from 1861 to 1868 and in 1878, senator in 1878 and Minister of the Navy in 1862 and of the Empire in 1864; Antônio Carlos' mother was the daughter of a large landowner from Minas Gerais, owner of the Borda do Campo farm, founder of the municipality of Santos Dumont, near Barbacena. She was also the sister of José Rodrigues de Lima Duarte, the Viscount of Lima Duarte, senator and Minister of the Navy from 1881 to 1882, and great-grandson of José Aires Gomes, one of the Minas Gerais inconfidentes; Of Antônio Carlos's brothers, José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva also stood out in politics, who was federal deputy for Minas Gerais from 1899 to 1930 and later ambassador of Brazil in Lisbon (1931) and in Buenos Aires (1933-1937); Antônio Carlos did his primary and secondary studies in his hometown, at Colégio Abílio, owned by Abílio César Borges, baron of Macaúbas. In 1887 he enrolled at the Faculty of Law of São Paulo, where he had as a classmate another miner from a traditional family who would project himself in the political life of the country, Afrânio de Melo Franco; In college, he joined the republican cause, founding the Clube Republicano dos Estudantes Mineiros and joining the Clube Republicano Acadêmico. He was also editor of the newspaper Vinte e Um de Abril. He graduated in 1891 and in the same year he moved to Ubá, where he was appointed public prosecutor. From Ubá, he moved to Palma, where he was a municipal judge; In 1894, he settled as a lawyer in Juiz de Fora, the most important city in the Zona da Mata of Minas Gerais, and also the most important one in the vicinity of Barbacena. By competition, he became professor of general history and political economy at the Normal School of Juiz de Fora, also teaching commercial law at the local Academy of Commerce. He entered politics through journalism in 1896, when he became the owner director of the Jornal do Comércio de Juiz de Fora, the only daily newspaper in the state in addition to the official newspaper published in the then capital, Ouro Preto. At that time, he was elected councilor and vice-president of the City Council of Juiz de Fora; In 1899, he married Julieta de Araújo Lima Guimarães, daughter of Domingos Custódio Guimarães, baron of Rio Preto, and great-granddaughter of Pedro de Araújo Lima, marquis of Olinda, constituent in 1823, deputy general, senator, several times minister of the Empire and four times President of the Council of Ministers between 1848 and 1865; Although linked to the interests of the Zona da Mata, Antônio Carlos would become in Minas Gerais politics, according to Afonso Arinos de Melo Franco in the collection Antônio Carlos: o Andrada da República, a representative of the “old mining culture” of the state. More liberal than authoritarian, this culture was opposed to the group linked to the “new economy, agricultural and pioneering coffee in the Zona da Mata”, to which, among others, Artur Bernardes, Raul Soares and Carlos Peixoto belonged; With the election of Francisco Sales to the presidency of Minas Gerais, Antônio Carlos was invited to occupy the state Finance Secretariat, assuming the position when the new government was inaugurated, on September 7, 1902; The main sector of the state economy was coffee, concentrated in the Zona da Mata, followed by livestock, developed in the south of Minas Gerais. Instability characterized the state's finances, since the main source of public revenue was the export tax, based on the production and sale of coffee. Any change in coffee prices on international markets was violently reflected in total tax collections; The policy implemented by Antônio Carlos at the Secretariat of Finance was to drastic containment of public expenditure, to stimulate agricultural production and to redistribute taxation, with the creation of a tax on the value of internal commercial transactions, which prevented further falls in tax collection. In substance, this policy represented continuity in relation to the previous government, of Silviano Brandão, a man linked, like Francisco Sales, to the interests of the South, where coffee was the second source of wealth and not the first, as in the Zona da Mata; But the state of Minas Gerais as a whole was governed by coffee interests – not only local ones, but also those in São Paulo, which commanded the national economy. Still at the Secretariat of Finance, in February 1906, Antônio Carlos participated in the negotiations that led to the signing of the Taubaté Agreement. Signed by the states of São Paulo, Minas Gerais and Rio de Janeiro, this agreement was intended to avoid a serious crisis arising from the overproduction of coffee, which had not been able to be prevented. By buying stocks, the three governments guaranteed producers a minimum price, higher than what would result from the excess supply of the product on the world market; The Taubaté Agreement inaugurated a policy, later adopted by the federal government, of direct intervention in the coffee market. It was the so-called coffee appreciation policy. As John Wirth wrote in the General History of Brazilian Civilization, the government of Minas Gerais had virtually no other option, because coffee growers in the state produced inferior types of coffee at high costs, and would not have survived on the world market without the support of a minimum price. However, “it is evident that the valuation took away the urgency of the efforts to develop new state products”; Also in 1906, Antônio Carlos was also mayor of Belo Horizonte, the state capital since 1898. After Francisco Sales' government ended on September 7 of that year, he returned to Juiz de Fora. In 1907, he was elected state senator and councilor in that city, of whose City Council he was chosen president, also becoming, consequently, executive agent (the equivalent of the current mayor) of the city; His passage to national politics took place in 1911, when he was elected, in the legend of the Republican Party of Minas Gerais, the only party in the state between 1897 and 1930, federal deputy to fill the vacancy opened the year before with the resignation of Artur Bernardes, appointed to the Finance Secretariat of Minas Gerais. In the Chamber of Deputies, he was chosen, shortly after taking office, to join the Finance Committee, the most important at the time, and appointed rapporteur for the revenue budget. Re-elected in January 1912, he prepared the supporting opinions for the revenue budget in 1912, 1913 and 1914. In 1914, with the departure of Venceslau Brás – a politician from the south of Minas Gerais – to the presidency of the Republic, he was appointed leader of the majority in the Chamber of Deputies. of Deputies and chairman of the Finance Committee; Again elected to the Chamber of Deputies in 1915, he held the leadership of the majority and presided over the Finance Commission until September 1917, when he was appointed Minister of Finance by Venceslau Brás, replacing João Pandiá Calógeras. This nomination was intended to compensate for the designation of Artur Bernardes to govern Minas Gerais from 1918 to 1922, made by the PRM in 1917, when Antônio Carlos had his candidacy for the state government sponsored, without success, by Wenceslau; Pandiá Calogeras had adopted measures at the Ministry of Finance, in the midst of an economic and financial crisis aggravated by the First World War, to combat the embezzlement of money and the corruption that existed in customs, and to restrict budget waste and ease in the application of funds federations, which earned him the opposition of politicians who had electoral support in their budget. He also increased the consumption tax, reaching the poorest sections of the population. Due to the aggressive campaign launched against his management, but which affected him personally, he resigned; Unable to raise funds abroad, due to the terms of the loan for consolidating the Brazilian external debt (funding loan) negotiated by the government of Hermes da Fonseca, and also because of the war that was developing in Europe, the government of Venceslau Brás turned if in the contingency of making monetary issues to face the government's financial problems and the difficulties of export agriculture, caused by the fall in coffee prices; Upon assuming the Treasury portfolio in September 1917, Antônio Carlos continued to apply the policy that had been in charge of Calogeras, and which also consisted of reducing the deficits in the execution of the federal budget produced by the decline of the main source of revenue, the income tax. import. He carried out reforms improving the inspection of public revenue and approved new regulations regarding consumption and income taxes. He retained the production of gold in the country, through a contract with the mining companies stipulating that the National Treasury would buy everything that was produced. Still in 1917, he allocated 120 thousand contos de réis to the application of the policy of valorizing coffee in São Paulo; He left the Ministry of Finance on November 1, 1918, two weeks before the end of the government of Venceslau Brás, in order to disengage and be re-elected as a federal deputy. On that occasion, he accepted an invitation to be a member of the board of Companhia Sul América de Seguros, becoming one of its directors shortly afterwards; Always elected in the PRM party, Antônio Carlos returned to the Chamber of Deputies in May 1919 and resumed the presidency of the Finance Commission, in which he remained until 1923, acting mainly with the São Paulo deputy Cincinato Braga, later Minister of Finance of Artur Bernardes (1922-1926). Still in 1923, he published Banks issued in Brazil, a book that had a lot of repercussions and in which he defended, in the name of classic principles, the reduction of the circulating medium; In 1924, Antônio Carlos returned to occupy the leadership of the majority in the Chamber of Deputies, being responsible for defending the authoritarian and repressive policy of President Bernardes, dealing with the widespread and persistent discontent of public opinion and with the armed lieutenant movements. Designating one of his rivals in the PRM to this post, who had already occupied the leadership of the Minas Gerais bench by imposition of Raul Soares (president of the state from 1922 to 1924), Bernardes strengthened himself in the federal arena, as he opposed to his opponents the union of politics mining; It fell to Antônio Carlos, in mid-1925, to submit to the president of São Paulo, Carlos de Campos, and through him to the Paulista Republican Party, the name chosen by Bernardes and the PRM to be the next president of the Republic: Washington Luís. This choice had actually already been defined in 1921, when the São Paulo and Minas Gerais oligarchies examined the succession of Epitácio Pessoa (1919-1922) and chose the name of Bernardes, establishing a tacit agreement in the sense that his successor would be, in the four-year period 1926-1930, the then president of São Paulo, Washington Luís (1920-1924). According to the policy of “coffee with milk” agreements, at that time it was a question of re-establishing the alternation of presidents from the PRP or the PRM, interrupted with the election of Epitácio Pessoa from Paraíba as head of the federal government. On the other hand, this same system included the return of Minas to the Presidency of the Republic, from 1930 onwards, presumably through Antônio Carlos himself; In the same year, 1925, Antônio Carlos was elected to the Senate for his state, and in this House of Congress he was found the articulations for the succession of Fernando de Melo Viana (1924-1926) in the presidency of Minas Gerais. Melo Viana, the successor of the late Raul Soares, was the only important figure in Minas Gerais politics to challenge the candidacy of Washington Luís, issuing declarations of a democratizing nature and, to that extent, criticism of the Bernardes government. But the latter offered him the vice-presidency on the ticket of Washington Luís and thus managed to reincorporate him into the situationist scheme, smoothing out the discrepancies; The counterpart of Melo Viana's rescue was the acceptance, by Bernardes, of Antônio Carlos's candidacy for the governorship of Minas, ratified by the PRM's steering committee – known as the “Tarasca” – in September 1925, a few days after the slate became official. Washington Luis-Melo Viana. This choice completed the unification of the party in that period of defining the names of the future presidents of the country and Minas Gerais; Also in 1925, Antônio Carlos represented Brazil at the Finance Congress, in London, and at the Parliamentary Congress held in Geneva, Switzerland; In March 1926, he was elected to the presidency of Minas, along with Alfredo Sá (vice-president), without running for office. His seat in the Senate would be filled the following year by Artur Bernardes; Taking office on September 7, 1926, Antônio Carlos reached the presidency of his state haloed by the reputation of a skilled and experienced parliamentarian, “the most consecrated political valet, used to living with the opposite, remover of difficulties [...] formulas”, who were said to be able to “take off their socks without taking off their shoes”, according to Dário de Almeida Magalhães in the publication Digesto Econômico. Barbosa Lima Sobrinho would not deny him his notorious “sharp, agile, subtle intelligence”, but he would add, critically: “It reminds of times of decadence, when spirits like that tend to flourish, floating, indecisive, skeptical, refined, amusing themselves with the word in exercises of pure verbal sleight of hand”; The new president of Minas appointed federal deputy Francisco Campos to the Secretariat of the Interior, who would become the most influential of his assistants in the government; for the Finance Secretariat, Gudesteu de Sá Pires, who would leave office in November 1929 to run for the Chamber of Deputies, then being replaced by José Bernardino Alves Júnior; for the Secretariat of Agriculture, Industry, Lands, Transport and Public Works, the veteran federal deputy and leader of the majority Augusto Viana do Castelo, who in November 1926 was appointed Minister of Justice for Washington Luís, being replaced by Djalma Pinheiro Chagas. Finally, for the Secretariat of Security and Public Assistance, which did not exist before and was extinguished when his government ended (to reappear only in 1956), he appointed José Francisco Bias Fortes, replaced in October 1929, in the midst of the campaign for the succession of Washington Luís, by federal deputy Odilon Braga; The government of Antônio Carlos in Minas generally presents a very positive balance, in comparison with other administrations of the period and, above all, with the governments of his predecessors. There are, however, those who judge, like Barbosa Lima Sobrinho, that his achievements were motivated by the desire to project his name nationally with a view to the succession of Washington Luís, and gained prominence, in fact, thanks to a well-assembled publicity scheme; In any case, there was a great contrast, on the political level, between the attitude of Antônio Carlos in Minas Gerais – liberal and tending to bring together the various currents of the PRM – and the performance of the Minas group in the Chamber of Deputies, which, in accordance with the his command (and under the leadership of his brother José Bonifácio), he fully supported the action of the President of the Republic, until the outbreak of the succession crisis, in the second half of 1929. Thus, the Minas Gerais bench – by far the largest, with its 37 deputies – accepted the refusal of amnesty to the revolutionaries of 1922 and 1924, promised by Washington Luís before his inauguration, and defended the approval, in August 1927, of the Aníbal de Toledo project, which gave rise to the so-called Celerada Law, responsible for the restart strict censorship of the press and other forms of curtailing freedom of expression. Antônio Carlos justified this behavior, according to Virgílio de Melo Franco, by the need to avoid pretexts for mistrust or hostility towards the Union government; Still in the course of his government, Antônio Carlos modernized the railroad of Sul de Minas (Rede Sul Mineira) and started the implantation of the railroad of Paracatu. He promoted improvements in the hydromineral resorts of the state, especially in Poços de Caldas. Belo Horizonte, whose urban evolution had been dragging on since the beginning of the century and had accelerated from 1922 onwards, also experienced in its quadrennium, with Cristiano Machado at the head of the city hall, a considerable development spurt; In the economic-financial field, his policy did not offer substantial innovations in relation to what was being done: support for coffee and livestock in the Zona da Mata and the South. The chronic budget difficulties of the state diminished, as the income of the State Treasury increased: in 1928, they had reached 180 thousand contos de réis, against less than half (70 thousand contos de réis) in 1923. of taxation. According to John Wirth, Antônio Carlos was the first governor of Minas Gerais, since the introduction of the land tax in 1901, to “transfer a more significant share of the tax burden to the owners of rural properties”; In 1928, the territorial tax rose to 9.3% of state income (against 5 to 6% previously), to reach 15.8% in 1933, under the following government; Antônio Carlos also did not contract major debts, raising the annual consolidated debt service of the state in 1928 to only 9% of the collected revenue. In fact, at the end of the government, only the debts assumed by Minas would remain to fulfill its part alongside Rio Grande do Sul and Paraíba in the conspiracy that would result in the Revolution of 1930; Following the Washington Luís policy in Minas, Antônio Carlos facilitated the signing of the contract for the Itabira Ore Company, which had been attempted by the North American businessman Percival Farquhar since 1920, when Artur Bernardes, as president of the state, had created insurmountable obstacles for him. But Farquhar's iron ore exploration project would end up having its implementation definitively prevented after the Revolution of 1930, during the government of President Getúlio Vargas; It was in the educational sector that the government of Antônio Carlos had the most notable performance. In September 1927, the University of Minas Gerais (current Federal University of Minas Gerais) was created in Belo Horizonte. The Secretary of the Interior, Francisco Campos, directed, in a pioneering experience in the country, the renovation of all primary and normal education in the state, according to the postulates of the “new school”, which had arrived in Brazil, through educators such as Anísio Teixeira and Fernando de Azevedo, after the First World War; Francisco Campos and a group of psychologists and foreign professors drew up an entire education reform plan, which notably resulted in the creation of the Improvement School, aimed at training and recycling educators along the lines of the “new school”. The number of primary schools tripled between 1926 and 1929, when more than five hundred thousand students (for a population of around six million inhabitants) attended them. In 1928, causing a stir in political circles and gaining the sympathy of the Catholic Church, Antônio Carlos reintroduced religious teaching in public schools; It was also in the political field that his government became notable, with the reform that instituted secret ballots in municipal and state elections. In September 1927, and it was the first time that this had happened in the country's history, this modality of suffrage was introduced in Minas Gerais. Regulated in April 1928, the law was soon applied in three municipal elections and to fill two vacancies, in the Minas Gerais Senate, in the same year; The institution of the secret ballot was in fact implicit in the government platform with which Antônio Carlos presented himself to the Minas Gerais electorate in 1926: “It is essential that we be inspired by the healthy lesson that points to free voting as the only effective means to prevent and overcome, peacefully, even the most serious political crises.” The platform also extolled the autonomy of the legislative and judicial powers, condemning the “usurping tendency of the Executive Power”, which, “intervening, albeit covertly, in the sphere of these other powers […] diminishes and belittles the moral prestige of the regime”; Contemplating opposition rights, Antônio Carlos’ liberal preaching was: “I will maintain, without limitation, the greatest tolerance in the face of contrary opinions, estimating in the healthy opposition the valuable role of an effective collaborator in the action of governments.” The corollary of this thought expressed in 1926, contrary to the ideas and practice that marked the Washington Luís government, would later be summarized in Antônio Carlos’ most famous phrase: “Let us make the revolution before the people make it”

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74 - Otávio Mangabeira was born in Salvador on August 27, 1886, the son of pharmacist Francisco Cavalcanti Mangabeira and Augusta Cavalcanti Mangabeira. The name Mangabeira, a tree typical of the northeastern hinterland, was adopted by his grandfather – replacing the name Faria – at the time of Brazil's independence. His brother João Mangabeira was first elected federal deputy for Bahia in 1909 and renewed his mandate in several legislatures, participated in the founding of the Brazilian Socialist Party in 1947, was a candidate for the presidency of the Republic in 1950, and was also Minister of Mines and Energy in 1962, and Justice, from 1962 to 1963, during the government of João Goulart; After completing the humanities course at Colégio São Salvador, currently known as Ginásio São Salvador, in 1900 Otávio Mangabeira entered the engineering course at the Polytechnic School of Bahia. In 1903, he launched a political-literary manifesto against the reform of the Bahian Constitution, which established the requirement that candidates for state government had a fixed residence in the state. The following year, while still an academic, he started in journalism, initially writing a section in verses in the Diário de Notícias in Bahia and working soon after as an editor in the Bahian newspapers Gazeta do Povo and O Democrata. In 1905 he received a degree in civil engineering and a BA in physical and mathematical sciences, having been valedictorian of his class; In 1906 he joined the faculty of the Polytechnic School of Bahia, teaching spherical trigonometry, astronomy, geodesy, chemistry, inland navigation and seaports and lighthouses. Also in 1906 he was appointed engineer for the Fiscal Commission of the Port of Bahia and fiscal engineer for the Canadian company Light and Power, concessionaire of public services in the state; In 1907 he was elected alderman to the Municipal Council of Salvador in the legend of the Republican Party of Bahia. Assuming the mandate in January 1908, shortly afterwards he was elected second secretary of the house and in 1909 he left the positions he held as an engineer; Also in 1909, when articulations began around the elections presidential elections scheduled for March 1910, the Partido Republicano Paulista unleashed the Civilist Campaign, soon taken over by the PRB, in favor of the candidacy of Rui Barbosa. The movement aimed to denounce the military character of Hermes da Fonseca's candidacy and present a civil alternative to the presidential succession. Diverging from his brother João Mangabeira, who remained on the side of the PRB, Otávio linked up with the Bahian political leader José Joaquim Seabra, who at the end of July 1909 organized the so-called Republican Commission in support of the Hermes da Fonseca-Venceslau Brás ticket. The electoral campaign in Bahia unfolded in an atmosphere of great violence, mainly in the interior, where the jagunços linked to the PRB chiefs and the state police resisted the proposal of the Republican Commission; Shortly after the election, which gave victory to Hermes da Fonseca, Otávio Mangabeira joined the Democratic Republican Party, then created by Seabra with the militants of the former Republican Commission. Also taking advantage of the support of Hermes, Luís Viana, another prominent political leader, began to direct the Conservative Republican Party in Bahia, which allied itself with the PRD in opposition to the PRB, representative of the agrarian oligarchies and hitherto hegemonic; In December 1911, while João Mangabeira, among others, was elected deputy in the PRB caption, Otávio was elected federal deputy for Bahia in the PRD caption, composing, alongside Antônio Muniz Sodré de Aragão and Mário Hermes, son of the president da República, the group of 14 new deputies and a state senator elected by that party. In January 1912, after a campaign tumultuous by numerous acts of violence, the Bahian Assembly elected Seabra, the only candidate, governor of Bahia. With the PRD in government, the PRB would gradually weaken; Otávio Mangabeira took office in May 1912 and soon after became a member and later vice-president of the House Finance Committee. Still in the PRD party, he was re-elected to the subsequent legislatures, which began in 1915 and 1918. In July 1919, however, due to disagreements with the Muniz, the main leaders of the PRD, and with Seabra, who had shown solidarity with them, he left the party and joined the opposition, whose most significant leaders were his brother João Mangabeira, Pedro Lago, Miguel and Antônio Calmon and Rui Barbosa; To run for state government in the elections scheduled for the end of 1919, the PRD launched Seabra's candidacy once again, while the PRC, after Rui Barbosa's refusal, presented federal judge Paulo Martins Fontes as a candidate. Again, violence predominated during the election campaign. Otávio and João Mangabeira participated in several rallies in the interior, fundamentally in the Recôncavo Baiano region, where Rui Barbosa concentrated his actions in favor of Martins Fontes. It was said at the time that the Mangabeira and Pedro Lago were financing and arming the “colonels” of the São Francisco river valley, opposed to the PRD, and trying to bribe the local Public Force detachment; With the holding of the election on December 29, 1919, both sides claimed victory, aggravating ongoing tensions and armed conflicts. In the midst of a situation of virtual civil war, the verification of the results by the State Assembly, dominated by the PRD, was extremely slow, extending throughout the month of February. At the end of the month, federal intervention in Bahia was decreed and, in the first week of March, while the state legislature met to proclaim Seabra governor, the “colonels” finally accepted the conditions proposed by the central government of Epitácio Pessoa; Re-elected in December 1920 as part of the PRB, Otávio Mangabeira remained in opposition to the government of Epitácio Pessoa. However, despite the divergences, he later supported in Congress the decree of a state of siege in Rio de Janeiro, then the Federal District, requested by the president due to the outbreak of the Revolt of July 5, 1922. This movement – which erupted in Rio and in Mato Grosso in protest against the election of Artur Bernardes to the presidency of the Republic and the punishments imposed by the Epitácio Pessoa government on the military, such as the closing of the Military Club and the arrest of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca – it was quelled in one day, but beginning of the cycle of lieutenants revolts of the 1920s; In January 1923, Otávio joined the Bahia Republican Concentration, a political party newly created by Pedro Lago, Vital Soares and Ernesto Simões Filho, among others. In the very next month, Seabra, politically weakened, tried to reach an agreement with the leaders of the CRB regarding the candidacy of Francisco Marques de Góis Calmon to succeed him in the state government. On that occasion, Otávio Mangabeira traveled to São Paulo to discuss with the president of that state, Washington Luís, the Bahian succession. Seabra, however, failing to reach an agreement with the leaders of the CRB, who maintained close ties with Artur Bernardes, who was hostile to the PRD, launched the candidacy of Arlindo Leoni. The CRB, in turn, guaranteed the nomination of Góis Calmon; After the elections for the Chamber of Deputies were held at the end of 1923, the PRD and the CRB began to claim the victory of their respective candidates. On the other hand, receiving the decisive support of Bernardes, Góis Calmon was elected governor. In order to avoid any reaction from Seabra's supporters, Bernardes decreed a state of siege in Bahia in March 1924, thus guaranteeing the inauguration of the elected governor. The intervention of the President of the Republic was also felt in the final composition of the Bahian bench in the Chamber, which had 11 deputies from the CRB – that is, half of the total –, chosen to integrate the most important commissions. Including himself among the deputies elected in that legend, Otávio Mangabeira participated in the legislature that began in 1924 and, although he maintained political differences with the new governor, he became leader of the Bahian group in the Chamber; Shortly after Washington Luís took office as President of the Republic in November 1926, Otávio Mangabeira was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs and withdrew from the parliamentary mandate. Remaining, however, linked to the politics of his state, he participated in the creation, in January 1927, of the new Republican Party of Bahia, which came to promote a reorganization of forces in state politics. At the very first convention, the Calmons tried to absorb former Seabra supporters to obtain a majority in the party, but were met with strong opposition from the Mangabeiras. In order to overcome the internal impasse, the intervention of Washington Luís was requested, which resulted in the signing of a document establishing the distribution of positions for each faction: the Mangabeira wing would receive three of the nine seats on the executive committee of the new PRB, 1/3 of the 42 state deputies and eight of the 22 federal deputy seats. On the other hand, Miguel Calmon would be elected federal senator for the PRB in 1927, and the new governor would be Vital Soares, his co-religionist. The old seabristas were put aside, being shortly afterwards absorbed by the two factions; As Minister of Foreign Affairs, Otávio Mangabeira promoted measures aimed at complementing the demarcation of Brazilian borders with neighboring countries. Of his performance in the various disputes related to the conventions of limits, the agreement signed with Paraguay on May 21, 1927, regulated in the Treaty of Rio de Janeiro, stood out. Also in 1927, he represented Brazil at the International Parliamentary Trade Conference, held in Rio de Janeiro. In January of the following year, with a view to Brazil's participation in the Pan-American Conference in Havana, Cuba, he guided the Brazilian delegation, headed by Raul Fernandes, in the sense of defending greater diplomatic and commercial rapprochement between the United States and the countries Latin Americans. The fact that Brazil was part of the executive council of the League of Nations at the time was decisive for the success obtained in defending the country's economic and commercial interests; Also in 1928, two years before the end of Washington Luís' government, debates began on his succession as President of the Republic. Júlio Prestes, president of São Paulo, emerged as the official candidate, going against the interests of the Republican Party of Minas Gerais, which, during the following year, approached the main leaders of Rio Grande do Sul and launched the opposition candidacy of Getúlio Vargas, president of Rio Grande do Sul. South. The understandings between the dominant forces of these two states enabled the formation of the Liberal Alliance – an opposition coalition that also had the support of the government of Paraíba, the opposition of other states and members of the tenentista movement. As a member of the government, Otávio Mangabeira accepted the official candidacy of Júlio Prestes, diverging from his brother, who joined the Liberal Alliance. He thus assumed the position of the vast majority of his co-religionists in Bahia, who opted to support the situationist ticket, in which the Bahia governor himself, Vital Soares, participated as a candidate for vice president; The victory of Júlio Prestes in the elections of March 1930 provoked an energetic reaction from the opposition sectors, which, denouncing the occurrence of fraud and violence throughout the electoral process, accelerated the preparation of a revolutionary movement. At the same time, the main factions of the PRB met in Salvador to discuss the succession of Vital Soares, since the commitment assumed in 1927 by Miguel Calmon and Otávio Mangabeira related to the elections of that year, making a new agreement necessary for 1930. This agreement was finally reached in mid-June, with the full approval of the President of the Republic and Júlio Prestes: Frederico Costa would temporarily assume the state government until the election of Pedro Lago, leaving João Mangabeira as federal senator; During his tenure as Minister of Foreign Affairs, Otávio Mangabeira promoted and disseminated Brazilian literature abroad and organized and installed the archives, library and map library at the Itamarati Palace, in Rio, then the headquarters of the ministry. In September 1930 he was elected a member of the Brazilian Academy of Letters for chair number 23, but he was not sworn in due to the outbreak, on October 3, of the revolution that would lead Vargas to power; The day after the deposition of President Washington Luís, which took place on October 24, 1930, Otávio Mangabeira was removed from the position of Minister of Foreign Affairs. Identified as one of the main leaders in the fight against the revolution, on November 7th he was arrested and taken to an army cavalry barracks, in Rio, by order of the then chief of police, João Batista Luzardo. On 25 November he was released on condition that he leave the country, and shortly thereafter he went into exile in Europe, where he resided in various countries. Returning to Brazil on August 10, 1934, after benefiting from the amnesty approved by the National Constituent Assembly, in early September he was sworn in at the Brazilian Academy of Letters; Back to political life in the October 1934 election, Otávio Mangabeira was elected federal deputy for Bahia with the support of the coalition between the League of Social and Political Action of Bahia and the PRD. Assuming the mandate in May 1935, he became one of the leaders of the parliamentary bloc in opposition to Vargas, whose government, from then on, would adopt increasingly repressive measures that strengthened the Executive; As a member of the parliamentary minority, Mangabeira reacted energetically to the arrest, at the beginning of 1936, of four deputies and a senator, accused of collusion with the Communist Rising of November 1935. In this regard, he opposed the project sent by the government to Congress on 3 May, restricting parliamentary immunities. In opposition to these measures, the minority presented Vargas with two documents, whose main demands were the political truce until January 15, 1937, respect for parliamentary immunities, the right of the opposition to monitor municipal elections, the suspension, and not dismissal, of civil servants indicted as extremists and freedom of electoral propaganda. With Vargas's refusal to comply with these proposals, the divergences between the opposition and the government became even more acute; In 1937, when the electoral campaign for the presidential succession scheduled for 1938 was starting, Otávio Mangabeira, together with a faction of the PRD, joined the candidacy of Armando de Sales Oliveira, officially launched in May by the Constitutionalist Party of São Paulo. He then participated in the organization of the Brazilian Democratic Union, a nationwide party created on June 10, 1937, bringing together all factions and state parties that supported the Armando Sales candidacy. In a speech given on the occasion, he stated that “when our opponents, from the left and from the right, are assembled throughout the country, we, those of democracy, will, through a large national party, coordinate all the state political forces”. Elected member of the executive committee of the UDB, he announced, at the party's first rally, held on the field of América Futebol Clube, in Rio, his main struggle flags, which he called the "gospel of the UDB": democracy with preservation of the secret ballot, plurality party and proportional representation system, defense of public liberties and popular education for the exercise of the vote; On October 1st, he voted against the government proposal to re-establish the state of war, decreed for the first time in March 1936 and successively extended until July 1937. Vargas' proposal was presented under the allegation of the need to combat the growing communist danger in the country, dramatized by the “discovery” of the Cohen Plan, a document actually forged, containing a communist plan to overthrow the government and seize power. The state of war was approved by 138 votes against 52, thus paving the way for a coup in preparation within the government itself; When, in mid-October, the governor of Rio Grande do Sul, José Antônio Flores da Cunha, was forced to resign under pressure from Vargas, the UDB, fearing the president's continuous offensive, decided to launch a manifesto - authored by Otávio Mangabeira – denouncing the government's action as a coup strategy. The parliamentarians who signed the manifesto also decided to be absent from the work of the Chamber and the Senate until the date set for the reading of the document, that is, November 9; By the end of October, there was already news about the so-called Mission Negrão de Lima, a trip made during that period by Francisco Negrão de Lima to various states of the Federation with the task of enlisting the support of governors for the coup projected by Vargas. On November 9, deputy João Carlos Machado read Armando Sales' open letter to the military in the Chamber in protest against the impending coup. Soon after, Otávio Mangabeira took the floor, leaving the denunciation of the members of the Legislative on record. The following day, November 10, with the support of the armed forces and his ministers, with the exception of Odilon Braga, from Agriculture, Vargas carried out the Estado Novo coup, which suppressed the country's legislative bodies and ensured his permanence in power. That same day, Otávio Mangabeira was arrested at his home and held for a few hours; Accused of conspiracy, Otávio Mangabeira was tried by the National Security Court and sentenced to two years in prison. However, after spending four months in prison, he obtained a habeas corpus from the Federal Supreme Court and was authorized to leave the country. On August 10, 1938, he was retired for political reasons from his position as full professor at the Polytechnic School of Bahia, from which he had effectively been away for many years; On the 29th of the following October he finally went into exile in Europe. During the trip, he wrote the first of the numerous manifestos he sent to the Brazilian people, analyzing the national situation, contesting the dictatorial regime and examining Brazil's position in the world context. He later moved to New York, starting to work as a translator for the Brazilian edition of the North American magazine Reader’s Digest; When the amnesty was decreed on April 2, 1945, about five hundred Brazilian lawyers filed with the STF a request for habeas corpus in his favor and also in favor of Armando de Sales Oliveira and Paulo Nogueira Filho, who were also exiled. On the 11th of that month the appeal was granted and a few days later the three politicians returned to Brazil;

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

uncertainty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary:

Themes:

ABC -

ABL -

AIPB -

AM-B -

AL -

Anarchism -

1891 Constitutional Assembly -

ABE -

ABI -

ACSP -

ACRJ -

AVANTI! -

Brazil Bank -

National Flag -

Imperial Family Ban -

A Batalha -

Workers and peasants bloc -

Bolivia Syndicate -

Salvador bombing -

Borracha -

Bota-Abaixo -

Caixa de aposentadorias e pensões de estradas de ferro -

Campanha Civilista -

False letters -

CACO -

Centro acadêmico XI de agosto -

CIESP -

Centro dom vital -

CIB -

A cigarra -

Clarté -

Classe operária -

Clube de engenharia -

Clube militar -

Clube naval -

Clube republicano -

Código civil de 1916 -

Coligação Católica Brasileira -

Coluna Prestes -

Comissão de diplomação dos eleitos/Comissão de verificação de poderes -

Confederação geral do trabalho -

COB -

Conferencias de Paz de Haia (1899 e 1907) -

Conferencias pan-americanas -

CNT -

1891 Constitution -

Convenio de Taubaté -

Colarinho Roosevelt -

Coronelismo -

Correio da manhã -

Correio do povo -

Correio Paulistano -

1929 Crisis -

Crítica -

O Cruzeiro -

Damas da cruz verde -

Defesa nacional -

DNSP -

Dia do soldado -

Diário carioca -

Diário da Bahia -

Diário da manhã -

Diário da noite -

Diário de notícias (RJ) -

Diário de notícias (salvador) -

Diário de pernambuco -

Diário de SP -

Diário nacional -

Diário oficial -

Diplomacia das canhoneiras -

Dom Quixote -

Doutrina Drago -

Electron -

ELEIÇÃO A BICO DE PENA -

ENCILHAMENTO -

ESCOLA DO RECIFE -

ESCOLA MILITAR DA PRAIA VERMELHA -

ESCOLA MILITAR DO REALENGO -

ESQUERDA, A -

ESTADO DE MINAS -

ESTADO DE S. PAULO, O -

EXPOSIÇÃO DO CENTENÁRIO DA ABERTURA DOS PORTOS -

EXPOSIÇÃO INTERNACIONAL DO CENTENÁRIO DA INDEPENDÊNCIA DO BRASIL -

FEDERAÇÃO, A -

FEDERAÇÃO BRASILEIRA PELO PROGRESSO FEMININO -

FLORIANISMO -

FLUMINENSE, O -

FON FON -

FUNDING LOANS (1898, 1914 e 1931) -

GAZETA, A -

IMIGRAÇÃO -

IMPOSTO DE RENDA -

ITABIRA IRON ORE COMPANY -

IFOCS -

JACOBINISMO -

Silva Jardim (republican stuff) -

JORNAL DO BRASIL -

JORNAL DO COMÉRCIO -

JORNAL, O -

JOVENS TURCOS -

KLAXON -

LANTERNA, A -

LEI DO SORTEIO MILITAR -

LEI ELÓI CHAVES -

LEIS ADOLFO GORDO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA CONTRA O ANALFABETISMO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA PELOS ALIADOS -

LIGA DA DEFESA NACIONAL (LDN) -

LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

LIGA DE AÇÃO REVOLUCIONARIA -

LIGA NACIONALISTA DE SÃO PAULO (LNSP) -

LIGA PRÓ-SANEAMENTO DO BRASIL -

LIGHT -

MAÇONARIA -

MARAGATOS, PICA-PAUS E CHIMANGOS -

MUTUALISMO -

NAÇÃO, A -

NACIONALISMO -

Nicanor do Nascimento -

NOITE, A -

NOTÍCIA, A -

OCUPAÇÃO BRITÂNICA DA ILHA DA TRINDADE -

OLIGARQUIAS -

ORDEM, A -

PACTO BRIAND-KELLOG -

PACTO DE PEDRAS ALTAS -

PAÍS, O -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA CONFERÊNCIA DE PAZ DE VERSALHES -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA PRIMEIRA GUERRA MUNDIAL -

PÁTRIA, A -

PLATEIA, A -

PLEBE, A -

POLÍTICA COMERCIAL NA PRIMEIRA REPÚBLICA -

POLÍTICA DAS SALVAÇÕES -

POLÍTICA DOS GOVERNADORES -

POSITIVISMO -

POVO, O -

PRIMEIRO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

Proclamação da República -

PROJETO DE PACTO DO ABC DE 1909 -

QUESTÃO MILITAR -

QUESTÃO PANTHER -

RAZÃO, A -

REAÇÃO REPUBLICANA -

REARMAMENTO NAVAL (1910) -

RECONHECIMENTO DO REGIME REPUBLICANO -

REFORMA DA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1891 -

REFORMA DO SERVIÇO DIPLOMÁTICO (1895) -

REFORMAS EDUCACIONAIS -

RETIRADA DO BRASIL DA LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

REVISTA DA SEMANA -

REVISTA DE ANTROPOFAGIA -

REVISTA DO BRASIL -

REVISTA ILUSTRADA -

REVOLTA DA ARMADA -

REVOLTA DA CHIBATA -

REVOLTA DA VACINA -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1922 -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1924 -

REVOLUÇÃO DE 1930 -

REVOLUÇÃO FEDERALISTA -

REVOLUÇÃO GAÚCHA DE 1923 -

SEDIÇÃO DE JUAZEIRO -

SEGUNDO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

SEMANA DE ARTE MODERNA -

SINDICALISMO -

SINDICALISMO AMARELO -

SINDICATO -

SISTEMA ELEITORAL -

SAIN -

SRB -

STF -

STM -

TARDE, A -

TENENTISMO -

TERRA LIVRE, A -

TRATADO DE LOCARNO -

TRATADO DE PETRÓPOLIS -

TRATADOS DE FIXAÇÃO DE LIMITES TERRITORIAIS -

TRIBUNAL DE CONTAS -

UFAM -

Characters