User:Caio79 (Brazil)

HeDing text
Soon

Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Afonso Celso de Assis - Others. - 2 - Liberal

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. - 48 - Conservative

Antônio da Silva Prado - Yes. - 13 - Conservative - Antônio da Silva Prado was born in the city of São Paulo on February 25, 1840, the son of Martinho da Silva Prado and Veridiana Valéria da Silva Prado, from a wealthy and traditional São Paulo family. His father was provincial deputy in São Paulo in three legislatures. His mother was the daughter of Antônio da Silva Prado, the baron of Iguape, who was councilor in São Paulo from 1853 to 1856. His brothers also held prominent positions: Martinho da Silva Prado Júnior was constituent and federal deputy for São Paulo in 1891; Antônio Caio da Silva Prado was president of the provinces of Alagoas (1887-1888) and Ceará (1888-1889); and Eduardo Paulo da Silva Prado, a convinced monarchist, was a journalist and writer, founding member of the Brazilian Academy of Letters; As his parents lived on the Campo Alto farm, in the municipality of Limeira, today Araras, he spent part of his childhood at his maternal grandfather's house in the city of São Paulo. He was then sent to Petrópolis, where he studied at Colégio Calógeras, and to Rio de Janeiro, where he studied at Colégio Tautphoeus and Colégio Pedro II, graduating in science and letters in 1856. In the then capital of the Empire, he lived in the house of Antônio da Costa Pinto e Silva, an important São Paulo political leader, and there he met leaders of the Conservative Party. Antônio da Costa Pinto e Silva, who would become his father-in-law, was deputy general for São Paulo in seven legislatures, between 1857 and 1884, and also president of the provinces of Paraíba (1855-1857), of Rio de Grande do Sul (1868 -1869), São Paulo (1870-1871) and Rio de Janeiro (1885-1886); Returning to São Paulo, he enrolled at the Faculty of Law of Largo de São Francisco and graduated in legal and social sciences in 1861. While still a student, he began his career in journalism in the academic press. Even before graduating he was elected provincial deputy for the 1860-1861 legislature, but his election was annulled for not meeting the minimum age requirement. Soon after graduating, he held the position of chief of police in the city of São Paulo for a few months, but left when he decided to take a long trip to Europe in 1862. He visited several countries and perfected his legal studies at the Faculty of Law in Paris. After two years away, he returned to Brazil in 1864 and began to dedicate himself to agriculture, managing the family properties; On October 15, 1865, he was elected for the first time as provincial deputy in São Paulo by the Conservative Party. In the following years he would be re-elected five times, remaining in the Provincial Assembly from 1866 to 1889. In three legislatures he had his brother Martinho as a parliamentary colleague, elected by the Republican Party and a great defender of the abolition of slavery; During this period, he also became the owner and editor of the Diário de São Paulo, an organ of the Conservative Party, and through its pages he supported his brother Martinho in criticizing the president of the province José Tavares Bastos (1866-1867), for recruiting men for the war. of Paraguay (1864-1870) on the basis of strength. He was also editor of O País, a conservative newspaper founded in December 1866, in which he strongly opposed the liberal current

Afonso Pena - Yes. - 18 - Liberal - Afonso Augusto Moreira Pena was born in Santa Bárbara do Mato Dentro, current municipality of Santa Bárbara, on November 30, 1847, son of Domingos José Teixeira da Pena and Ana Moreira Teixeira Pena. His father, Portuguese by birth, initially pursued a military career, but later abandoned it. He owned land and a gold mine. His mother came from an important mining family that had political control over the municipality of Santa Bárbara; He attended primary school in his homeland and at the age of ten he became a boarding student at the famous Colégio Caraça, founded by Lazarist priests, where he completed the humanities course in 1864. His father was one of the biggest creditors of the college. His education was the best that a traditional Minas Gerais family could offer. The curriculum included theology, ethics and a foreign language, especially French. Young Afonso was considered a brilliant student from an early age. In 1866 he moved to São Paulo to attend the Faculty of Law, where he would obtain a bachelor's degree in 1870 and would be a colleague of Rui Barbosa, Bias Fortes, Joaquim Nabuco, Castro Alves and Rodrigues Alves, among others. Of this group, he was the only one to receive a doctor's degree, after defending the thesis entitled “Letter of Exchange”; While still a student, together with Rodrigues Alves, he founded the journal Imprensa Acadómica, dedicated to the discussion of legal and political matters. Few copies of this journal remain, but through some of its surviving articles one can see the influence on his thinking of French authors such as Victor Hugo, Balzac and Zola. By analyzing his school work, it is also possible to perceive in his education an affiliation to natural law and a frank opposition to legal positivism, discussions that were very present in the context of the so-called “generation of 1870”. His opposition to positivism stemmed from his deep-rooted Catholicism and his sympathies for the monarchical institution. Brazilian positivists advocated the separation of State and Church, as well as the institution of a military republic in the country. Such platforms distanced Afonso Pena from Comtism; Also in his student days, two movements divided the national political debate: abolitionism and republicanism. He committed to the first and refused the second. Consistent with his principles, he refused to sign the 1870 Republican Manifesto, believing that Brazil was not yet ready for a regime change. Like many, he considered that the Brazilian people did not have enough education to live with a form of government in which they were called upon to participate frequently. His relations with abolitionism, on the other hand, were fraught with complexity. At the same time that he proclaimed himself an abolitionist and had, unless I am mistaken, no slaves on his property, he feared that immediate manumission would result in irreversible economic damage for the owners. For this reason, he favored indemnification after abolition and immigration as the most efficient way to replace labor. In thinking this way, he walked alongside many other politicians, especially conservative ones, responsible for the progressive delay in ending slavery in Brazil

Joaquim Nabuco - Yes. - 18 - Liberal - Joaquim Aurélio Barreto Nabuco de Araújo was born in Recife on August 19, 1849, the fourth son of José Tomás Nabuco de Araújo and Ana Benigna de Sá Barreto. His father, of Bahian origin, settled in Pernambuco, where he became a judge and married the niece of the powerful Marquis of Recife, allying himself with the conservative oligarchy of the province of which his wife's family, the Pais Barreto, belonged. Two days before Joaquim was born, he presided over the jury that sentenced the main leaders of the Liberal Revolution of 1848 to life imprisonment; Three members of the paternal line, the great-uncle, the grandfather and the father, were life senators of the Empire. Before the Senate, the father exercised the mandate of deputy in several legislatures. Despite his conservative beginnings, he became one of the most important leaders of the Liberal Party, several times Minister of Justice, provincial president, member of the Council of State, lawyer and leading jurist on the Court. He embodied almost the ideal prototype of the member of the imperial political elite, the “builders of the Order”, in the formula of José Murilo de Carvalho, characterized by the homogeneity of training and ideology resulting from common elements such as legal training, experience as magistrates, aversion to to revolutionary doctrines; Joaquim was just a few months old when his father, elected deputy, left with his family for Rio de Janeiro, entrusting the boy to the care of his godmother, Ana Rosa Falcão de Carvalho, owner of the Massangana mill. His first formative years passed under the predominant influence of his godmother and true affectionate mother, who raised him like a prince, giving him private tutor and service slave. Later, he would recreate with great evocative power, in Minha Formação, the enchanted world of the sugar mill and revealing episodes such as that of the young runaway slave who throws himself at the feet of the seven-year-old boy, begging him to buy him to free him from cruelty. of the master; He had not yet turned eight when the death of Dona Ana Rosa forced him, in 1857, to abandon the privileged, protected existence of an only child and to join, at Court, the family of four more brothers, where he felt like an orphan. . A second trauma was his father's decision, in 1859, to send him as a boarder to the college in Freiburg run by the famous Bavarian teacher, Baron de Tautphoeus;

Rodolfo Dantas - Later. - Liberal

Eduardo Prado - Yes. - Conservative

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. - 20 - Liberal

João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira - Others. - 3 - Conservative

Saldanha da Gama - Others. - 4

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - Conservative - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Antônio Saraiva - No. - Liberal

Carlos de Laet - Others + Academia - 2 - Conservative

Alberto Torres - Yes. - 13 - Liberal - Alberto de Seixas Martins Torres was born in Porto das Caixas, now Itaboraí, on November 26, 1865, the son of Manuel Martins Torres and Carlota de Seixas Torres. His father, a magistrate and politician based in Niterói and linked, in the Empire, to the Liberal Party, was, in the Republic, state vice-president in the administration of José Tomás da Porciúncula (1892-1894) and senator for the state of Rio de Janeiro (1901- 1905); He did his secondary studies in Rio de Janeiro, when he published his first journalistic writings. He enrolled at the Faculty of Medicine of Rio de Janeiro on August 10, 1880, thanks to imperial authorization granted by means of a decree, because he was less than 15 years old, but he did not advance in his studies, enrolling in 1882 at the Faculty of Sao Paulo law. There he founded with colleagues the Abolitionist Center of São Paulo. Also in São Paulo, he participated in the creation of the republican newspapers Ça Ira and A Tarde. At the time, he wrote poems and texts with abolitionist and republican content, collaborating with the newspaper A República, organ of the Academic Republican Club. In 1883, together with colleagues, he created the newspaper A Ideia, where he published articles on literary criticism and on the expansion of republican clubs in the country, defending political decentralization as the only admissible form of government. Failing in 1884, like several colleagues, he transferred with them the following year to the Recife Faculty of Law, where he obtained a bachelor's degree; Back in Rio de Janeiro, he opened a law firm and also worked as a journalist at Revista Moderna, Semana, Gazeta da Tarde and Correio do Povo, in whose pages he continued to defend abolitionist and republican ideas. The law that determined the extinction of slavery in Brazil, enacted on May 13, 1888, caused great dissatisfaction with the Crown in the monarchist field of Rio de Janeiro. The republicans, who had not yet managed to organize themselves into a party, capitalized on this dissatisfaction, and between June and November republican clubs emerged in more than 20 municipalities in the state, generally on the initiative of traditional monarchist leaders. In November 1888, the Fluminense Republican Congress was held, when the Republican Party of the Province of Rio de Janeiro was created. Although they were not represented in the leadership of the party, handed over to historic republicans, the dissident monarchists played a fundamental role in making the new association viable, and in them the republicanism of Rio de Janeiro found a social base. Alberto Torres took an active part in the congress, becoming secretary of the party's executive committee; In May 1889, he participated in the Federal Republican Congress in São Paulo, when Quintino Bocaiúva – defender of a strategy of gradual advance in relation to power − was elected maximum leader of the Brazilian Republican Party, surpassing the leadership of Antônio da Silva Jardim – a positivist by training and, an admirer of French Jacobinism, adept at methods of taking power that included the revolutionary participation of the popular masses. Both Quintino, a journalist and politician from Rio de Janeiro, and Silva Jardim, a lawyer and journalist from Rio de Janeiro, maintained connections with the republican camp in the province of Rio de Janeiro. Alberto Torres, although he had also suffered positivist influences in his intellectual formation, aligned himself with the evolutionist proposals of the former. He founded in Niterói, with Carr Ribeiro, the newspaper O Povo, which began to circulate in July 1889, and the following month he presented himself as a republican candidate for deputy general for the 4th district of the province of Rio de Janeiro, but he did not manage to elect up; When the republican coup broke out on November 15, 1889, he was one of the few civilians who closely followed the military operations in front of the Ministry of War, in Rio de Janeiro, where the monarchist ministers were arrested. With the formation of the republican provisional government, under the leadership of Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca, he was appointed to a diplomatic position in Brussels (Belgium), but did not accept it. Assistant lawyer of the Municipal Intendance of the Federal District from December 17, 1889, he became, at the end of that month, a member of the republican directory of Niterói; Under the command of Francisco Portela, appointed by Deodoro da Fonseca as governor of the now state of Rio de Janeiro and one of the most traditional republicans of the former province of Rio de Janeiro, political articulations began for the choice of state representatives in the National Constituent Assembly, to be installed on November 15, 1890. Considering that the Fluminense Republican Party was being excluded by Portela from the political direction of the state, Alberto Torres, as well as other party leaders, refused to participate in the official ticket. He ran for deputy on the Republican Party list, which included Silva Jardim, José Tomás da Porciúncula and other veteran republican propagandists. Held the election on September 15, 1890, he was the fourth most voted in Niterói, but he was not elected, because the government ticket filled all the vacancies; He then applied, still in opposition to Portela, for a deputy seat in the state Constituent Assembly, which was to meet in July 1891. The Republican Party ticket included former monarchists who had recently converted to the Republic, then grouped together in Moderate Republican Party, such as Belisário Augusto Soares de Sousa, Paulino José Soares de Sousa Júnior and Pedro Luís Soares de Sousa, all direct relatives of councilor Paulino José Soares de Sousa, maximum leader of the ultraconservatives in Rio de Janeiro and the last bastion of resistance to the abolition of slavery. The election was held on March 20, 1891, the government's victory was, again, total. In May, the Constituent Assembly elected Portela president of the state; The new defeat led the opposition to seek party consolidation, unifying opposition republicans and former monarchists. Formally convened on April 13, 1891 by José Tomás da Porciúncula, two days later delegates from all municipalities met in a congress. On the occasion, Alberto Torres presented, together with Antônio dos Santos Werneck, an indication in the sense that the so-called historic republicans dissolved their party organization. They understood that the majority of people from Rio de Janeiro, including those who had belonged to the former monarchical parties, found themselves “perfectly identified” with republican ideas, therefore, the denomination of “historic republican party” no longer made sense. As there were still no “parties definitively organized in the light of political programs” in the country, they suggested that the continuity of political action in defense of the “emancipation of the municipality within the state and the state within the Union” should be carried out under the name of Autonomist Party. Fluminense. Once the nomination was approved by the plenary, Alberto Torres was elected to the new party's steering committee as a representative of the historic republicans, with a mandate until December 3, 1891; On September 28, 1891, he married Maria José Xavier da Silveira, sister of Joaquim Xavier da Silveira Júnior, his colleague at the Faculty of Law of São Paulo and who would later hold the position of mayor of Rio de Janeiro (1901- 1902). Both were sons of Joaquim Xavier da Silveira − poet, journalist, lawyer and abolitionist leader in São Paulo, who died in 1874; With the resignation of Deodoro da Fonseca on the following November 23, 1891 – following the crisis resulting from the closing of the National Congress on the 3rd of the same month, in a coup d'état led by him and supported by all the state governors, with the exception of Lauro Sodré, from Pará –, started across the country, stimulated by Vice President Floriano Peixoto, now in power, a movement for the deposition of the rulers who had endorsed the act of the former President of the Republic. In the state of Rio, Alberto Torres was one of the leaders of the campaign against Francisco Portela remaining in government, which took on violent tones in various parts of the state. In Niterói, where the bulk of the Public Force was concentrated, he organized, with his father and Sebastião Barroso, several rallies, in order to agitate the political environment against Portela and divert attention from the conspiratorial movements in the interior of the state. Finally, on December 10, after all kinds of pressure, including from politicians in the federal capital, Portela handed over the government to his vice-president, Artur Getúlio das Neves, who rejected it. Appointed by Floriano Peixoto, Rear Admiral Carlos Baltasar da Silveira took office, sworn in on December 11, 1891 with the mission of preparing elections for a new state constituent assembly; Alberto Torres was elected constituent state deputy in the elections held on January 31, 1892, in which only the ticket led by José Tomás da Porciúncula participated, and was chosen for the seven-member commission in charge of drafting the constitutional project to be debated. Once the Constituent Assembly was installed on March 1, he acted as leader of the majority and stood out in the defense of the unicameral character of the future Legislative Power of Rio de Janeiro, as well as competition and seniority as criteria for appointment and ascension in the state judiciary, theses approved in plenary session and incorporated into the state Constitution enacted on April 9, 1892. José Tomás da Porciúncula was then elected president of the state of Rio de Janeiro, with Manuel Martins Torres as vice-president; With the mission of the Constituent Congress concluded, Alberto Torres joined the commission that, under the direction of Porciúncula, organized the ticket of the Fluminense Republican Party for the Legislative Assembly of the State of Rio de Janeiro, launched on April 13, 1892, when the association performed for the first time under that name. Victorious in the election held on the following 24th, he interrupted his mandate on August 9th, 1893, for having been elected federal deputy in the vacancy opened in the Rio de Janeiro representation by the resignation of Alcindo Guanabara, appointed to an official mission abroad. On the 30th, he became a member of the PRF executive committee; Having actively participated, at the end of the 1891-1893 legislature, in the discussion of the bill for the organization of the Federal Court of Accounts, he was re-elected on March 1, 1894 for the 1894-1896 legislature. A member of the Chamber's Budget Commission, he was the rapporteur for the budget of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. In this condition, in 1895, he had an important role in defining the attitude of the Brazilian government in the episode of the occupation of the island of Trindade by British citizens. He defended Portugal's mediation to resolve the problem, which was ultimately decided in favor of Brazil in August of the following year. He also intervened in the discussion of the operating conditions of foreign insurance companies in Brazil, supporting a project, already approved in the Senate and later victorious in the Chamber, which established guarantees for Brazilian policyholders. Subsidiarily, the discussion highlighted the exorbitant value of resources transferred by companies to their headquarters, constituting, according to Barbosa Lima Sobrinho, the first stage of the discussion of the problem of remittance of profits abroad, which would become burning in Brazil from the 1990s onwards. 1940. Still during 1895, he collaborated regularly with the newspaper A Notícia, from Rio de Janeiro, founded in the previous year; On August 30, 1896, he interrupted his mandate as a federal deputy because he was appointed by President Prudente de Morais (1894-1898) – a friend of his father since they were both studying at the Faculty of Law of São Paulo – holder of the Ministry of Justice and Interior Affairs, replacing Antônio Gonçalves Ferreira. Three months later, however, Prudente de Morais, having fallen seriously ill, was replaced by Vice President Manuel Vitorino Pereira. Although kept in office by the incumbent president, despite the ministerial reform he carried out, he was in a difficult situation in view of political acts practiced by Manuel Vitorino against state allies of the licensed president. Intervention in Rio de Janeiro's politics aimed to weaken the current led by José Tomás da Porciúncula and strengthen the leadership of Nilo Peçanha, whose political base was the city of Campos. In the last days of December, the federal government, in spite of the Ministry of Justice and the state president Joaquim Maurício de Abreu (1894-1897), intervened with military forces in an electoral process in that city, in benefit of the nilist group. After unsuccessful efforts with Manuel Vitorino in an attempt to rectify the situation and preserve his authority, Alberto Torres resigned from his position on the 30th, being replaced, on the following January 7, by Bernardino José de Campos Júnior; On July 15, 1897, Alberto Torres was elected by the PRF to succeed Joaquim Maurício de Abreu as president of the state of Rio de Janeiro. He was sworn in on December 31, and with him Francisco Joaquim de Sousa Mota as first vice-president, Pedro Augusto Tavares Júnior as second vice-president, and Sílvio dos Santos Paiva as third vice-president. To act as secretary to the government, he appointed Martinho Álvares da Silva Campos (Interior and Justice), João Rodrigues da Costa (Finance), Hermogêneo Pereira da Silva (Public Works and Industries) and Carolino Leoni Ramos (Chief of Police); His administration took place under the sign of the state coffee growing crisis, the main branch of the economy of Rio de Janeiro and in difficulties since the last years of the monarchy. Also on the political level, the problems would not be small. Right in the first days of government, he had to face a new crisis originated from political disputes in Campos. This time, it was a question of the duality of chambers established in January 1898, when two currents emerged as winners of the municipal elections. Requested by the parties to resolve the issue, he considered the state law that assigned him this role to be unconstitutional and referred the problem to the Judiciary. In the Legislative Assembly, the debate led to the polarization of the deputies around Porciúncula, with whom one of the campists identified, and the position taken by Alberto Torres, in the minority. The conflict between the heads of government and the situationist party included Alberto Torres' vetoes of decisions by the Legislative Assembly and attempts to overthrow him through impeachment, decisively contributing to the split of the PRF. Evident already at the end of December 1898, the division process was accelerated by Decree 530, which, issued on March 14, 1899, handed over to the councilors of the previous legislature the municipal administration of Campista, until the conflict of duplicates was resolved; From an administrative point of view, Alberto Torres found it easier for his points of view to be accepted in the Legislative Assembly. Concerned about the decrease in revenue generated by coffee, he managed to approve the reduction of the product's export tax rates and the implementation of the territorial tax. His budget proposals, aimed at cutting expenses, were also accepted without major mishaps. Other problems that his government sought to resolve were that of manpower, still remaining from the process of abolishing slavery. Deeming the official immigration system inadequate, he attacked it through the creation of colonial centers in the municipalities of Paraíba do Sul and Barra do Piraí. He also dedicated himself to the sanitation of the state, in particular the Baixada Fluminense, a region that extends from Angra dos Reis to Campos; Although in a minority in the Legislative Assembly at the end of his term, as a result of the Campos crisis, Alberto Torres preserved his bases in the state thanks to the government's attractiveness, and came out victorious in the election held on December 31, 1899, when he won the majority in the Fluminense representation in the Chamber of Deputies and in the Senate. As successor to the presidency of the state, he initially nominated Hermogêneo Pereira da Silva, but ended up accepting the conciliation candidacy of Quintino Bocaiúva, sponsored by Nilo Peçanha and President Campos Sales (1898-1902), ultimately elected on July 8 and sworn in on 31 December 1900; According to his biographers, upon leaving the state government, Alberto Torres withdrew from politics and began to face financial difficulties in order to survive. This would have been the reason for having accepted the nomination, by federal decree of April 30, 1901, to a chair of Minister of the Federal Supreme Court, where he took office on May 18; In court, in January 1903, he was the rapporteur of the request for preventive habeas corpus filed in favor of Gastão de Orléans and other members of the Brazilian imperial family against the decree that, in December 1889, determined his banishment. He voted in favor of knowing the request by the STF, which was rejected by other members of the court, but dismissed the request for habeas corpus, arguing that there was no concrete indication that the government intended to maintain the banning decree - in his view, incompatible with the Constitution Federal, which abolished the penalty of judicial banishment −, therefore not characterizing the figure of the coercive authority. The case would return to the STF in May 1907, when Alberto Torres would vote in favor of a preventive habeas corpus requested by monarchist leaders in favor of Luís de Orléans e Bragança, grandson of Emperor Pedro II, who, having come from Europe by ship, wanted to know if there were restrictions on their entry into Brazil. The majority of ministers, however, would vote against the request, claiming that the ban imposed on the imperial family was not of a legal nature, but political, and was therefore not revoked by the Constitution. The case would only be definitively resolved in 1920, with the revocation of the banishment decree; In May 1903, he voted for the knowledge of a request for habeas corpus in favor of the organizers of a street demonstration linked to problems involving the Order of the Benedictines in Rio de Janeiro, reaffirming his broad conception of that legal resource. In 1905, he participated in the trial of the request for habeas corpus in favor of Senator and Lieutenant Colonel Lauro Sodré, one of the leaders of the movement that took place in Rio de Janeiro the previous November, known as Revolta da Vacina, and judged by the Military Justice. He voted in favor of prosecuting the senator in common law, because the crime of which he was accused – an attack – was not typified in the Military Penal Code. It was, however, an outvoted vote, and the decision of the STF established a position in the sense that the military man with a parliamentary mandate should respond in the military court for the military crimes he committed; In 1906, he was nominated by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to compose the Brazilian delegation to the III Pan-American Congress, in Rio de Janeiro. He participated in the initial meetings, but left office in July, by virtue of a determination by the STF, which understood that its members could not accept commissions from the Executive Branch; He began, between 1906 and 1907, the writing of a book, which he would not publish, on interstate taxes, motivated by the tariff competition to which governments of states were devastated by the decrease in public income. The issue had legal ramifications that ended up in the STF, where it always voted for the unconstitutionality of state laws and decrees that created customs barriers between the units of the Federation; On April 29, 1907, he began to write, in the Rio de Janeiro newspaper O País, the column “Tópicos do dia”, where he commented on everyday matters, but also on international politics, such as the II Peace Conference in The Hague (Holland), and national, such as the problems related to public education in the country. He ended his participation in the newspaper on October 5, the day on which, on leave for health reasons, he left with his family for France. In Lisbon, where they made a stopover, they survived the sinking of the ship on which they were travelling. Back in Paris, he wrote Vers la paix, in French, perhaps intending to ensure greater international circulation for the book, in which he addressed topics he had dealt with as budget rapporteur for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and in the column “Topics of the day”, transformed into practical proposals. for the establishment of world peace and for the creation of an international court of justice. Back in Brazil, he published Vers la paix. Études sur l'établissement de la paix générale et sur l'organization de l'ordre international and retired, for health reasons, on September 18, 1909

Lafayatte Rodrigues - No. - Liberal

Oligarchy:

Francisco Campos - Yes. - 48

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149

Paulo de Frontin -

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74

Estácio Coimbra - Yes. -

Henrique Dodsworth - Yes. -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

uncertainty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary:

Themes:

ABC -

ABL -

AIPB -

AM-B -

AL -

Anarchism -

1891 Constitutional Assembly -

ABE -

ABI -

ACSP -

ACRJ -

AVANTI! -

Brazil Bank -

National Flag -

Imperial Family Ban -

A Batalha -

Workers and peasants bloc -

Bolivia Syndicate -

Salvador bombing -

Borracha -

Bota-Abaixo -

Caixa de aposentadorias e pensões de estradas de ferro -

Campanha Civilista -

False letters -

CACO -

Centro acadêmico XI de agosto -

CIESP -

Centro dom vital -

CIB -

A cigarra -

Clarté -

Classe operária -

Clube de engenharia -

Clube militar -

Clube naval -

Clube republicano -

Código civil de 1916 -

Coligação Católica Brasileira -

Coluna Prestes -

Comissão de diplomação dos eleitos/Comissão de verificação de poderes -

Confederação geral do trabalho -

COB -

Conferencias de Paz de Haia (1899 e 1907) -

Conferencias pan-americanas -

CNT -

1891 Constitution -

Convenio de Taubaté -

Colarinho Roosevelt -

Coronelismo -

Correio da manhã -

Correio do povo -

Correio Paulistano -

1929 Crisis -

Crítica -

O Cruzeiro -

Damas da cruz verde -

Defesa nacional -

DNSP -

Dia do soldado -

Diário carioca -

Diário da Bahia -

Diário da manhã -

Diário da noite -

Diário de notícias (RJ) -

Diário de notícias (salvador) -

Diário de pernambuco -

Diário de SP -

Diário nacional -

Diário oficial -

Diplomacia das canhoneiras -

Dom Quixote -

Doutrina Drago -

Electron -

ELEIÇÃO A BICO DE PENA -

ENCILHAMENTO -

ESCOLA DO RECIFE -

ESCOLA MILITAR DA PRAIA VERMELHA -

ESCOLA MILITAR DO REALENGO -

ESQUERDA, A -

ESTADO DE MINAS -

ESTADO DE S. PAULO, O -

EXPOSIÇÃO DO CENTENÁRIO DA ABERTURA DOS PORTOS -

EXPOSIÇÃO INTERNACIONAL DO CENTENÁRIO DA INDEPENDÊNCIA DO BRASIL -

FEDERAÇÃO, A -

FEDERAÇÃO BRASILEIRA PELO PROGRESSO FEMININO -

FLORIANISMO -

FLUMINENSE, O -

FON FON -

FUNDING LOANS (1898, 1914 e 1931) -

GAZETA, A -

IMIGRAÇÃO -

IMPOSTO DE RENDA -

ITABIRA IRON ORE COMPANY -

IFOCS -

JACOBINISMO -

Silva Jardim (republican stuff) -

JORNAL DO BRASIL -

JORNAL DO COMÉRCIO -

JORNAL, O -

JOVENS TURCOS -

KLAXON -

LANTERNA, A -

LEI DO SORTEIO MILITAR -

LEI ELÓI CHAVES -

LEIS ADOLFO GORDO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA CONTRA O ANALFABETISMO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA PELOS ALIADOS -

LIGA DA DEFESA NACIONAL (LDN) -

LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

LIGA DE AÇÃO REVOLUCIONARIA -

LIGA NACIONALISTA DE SÃO PAULO (LNSP) -

LIGA PRÓ-SANEAMENTO DO BRASIL -

LIGHT -

MAÇONARIA -

MARAGATOS, PICA-PAUS E CHIMANGOS -

MUTUALISMO -

NAÇÃO, A -

NACIONALISMO -

Nicanor do Nascimento -

NOITE, A -

NOTÍCIA, A -

OCUPAÇÃO BRITÂNICA DA ILHA DA TRINDADE -

OLIGARQUIAS -

ORDEM, A -

PACTO BRIAND-KELLOG -

PACTO DE PEDRAS ALTAS -

PAÍS, O -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA CONFERÊNCIA DE PAZ DE VERSALHES -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA PRIMEIRA GUERRA MUNDIAL -

PÁTRIA, A -

PLATEIA, A -

PLEBE, A -

POLÍTICA COMERCIAL NA PRIMEIRA REPÚBLICA -

POLÍTICA DAS SALVAÇÕES -

POLÍTICA DOS GOVERNADORES -

POSITIVISMO -

POVO, O -

PRIMEIRO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

Proclamação da República -

PROJETO DE PACTO DO ABC DE 1909 -

QUESTÃO MILITAR -

QUESTÃO PANTHER -

RAZÃO, A -

REAÇÃO REPUBLICANA -

REARMAMENTO NAVAL (1910) -

RECONHECIMENTO DO REGIME REPUBLICANO -

REFORMA DA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1891 -

REFORMA DO SERVIÇO DIPLOMÁTICO (1895) -

REFORMAS EDUCACIONAIS -

RETIRADA DO BRASIL DA LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

REVISTA DA SEMANA -

REVISTA DE ANTROPOFAGIA -

REVISTA DO BRASIL -

REVISTA ILUSTRADA -

REVOLTA DA ARMADA -

REVOLTA DA CHIBATA -

REVOLTA DA VACINA -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1922 -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1924 -

REVOLUÇÃO DE 1930 -

REVOLUÇÃO FEDERALISTA -

REVOLUÇÃO GAÚCHA DE 1923 -

SEDIÇÃO DE JUAZEIRO -

SEGUNDO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

SEMANA DE ARTE MODERNA -

SINDICALISMO -

SINDICALISMO AMARELO -

SINDICATO -

SISTEMA ELEITORAL -

SAIN -

SRB -

STF -

STM -

TARDE, A -

TENENTISMO -

TERRA LIVRE, A -

TRATADO DE LOCARNO -

TRATADO DE PETRÓPOLIS -

TRATADOS DE FIXAÇÃO DE LIMITES TERRITORIAIS -

TRIBUNAL DE CONTAS -

UFAM -