User:Caio79 (Brazil)

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Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. - 48 - Conservative

Rodolfo Dantas - Later. - Liberal

Eduardo Prado - Yes. - Conservative

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. - 20 - Liberal

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - Conservative - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Antônio Saraiva - No. - Liberal

Gaspar da Silveira Martins - Liberal

Oligarchy:

Francisco Campos - Yes. - 48 - Francisco Luís da Silva Campos was born in Dores do Indaiá on November 18, 1891, the son of magistrate Jacinto Álvares da Silva Campos and Azejúlia de Sousa e Silva. On his father's side, he was descended from Joaquina Bernarda da Silva de Abreu Castelo Branco, known as Joaquina do Pompéu, married to Inácio Oliveira Campos, grandson of pioneer Antônio Rodrigues Velho, one of the founders of Pitangui in the early 18th century. Joaquina do Pompéu was the most famous matriarch of Minas Gerais. Numerous dominant families in the economic, social and political life of Minas Gerais belonged to her lineage. To mention just a few names that have become well-known, Benedito Valadares, Gustavo Capanema, the Melo Francos, José de Magalhães Pinto, Olegário Maciel and Ovídio de Abreu can be found in this family plot. A great-uncle of Francisco Campos and Benedito Valadares, Martinho Álvares da Silva Campos, was Minister of Finance and presided over the Council of Ministers of the Empire between January and July 1882, after having been deputy general (1857-1881) and president of the province of Rio de Janeiro (1881); he was also a senator (1882-1887) and councilor of state (1886); Francisco Campos learned his first letters from his mother and then spent two years as an intern at the Instituto de Ciências e Letras in São Paulo, later returning to Dores do Indaiá to study Portuguese and French. He attended secondary school in the Minas Gerais cities of Sabará and Ouro Preto. In 1910, he enrolled at the Free Faculty of Law in Belo Horizonte. When he was in his second year at college, he drew the attention of forensic circles in the capital of Minas Gerais by producing the defense of Army soldiers involved in a shootout with civil police guards. His culture and oratory impressed the court. Last year, he gave a tribute speech to the late President Afonso Pena, on the theme of democracy and national unity, in which he predicted: “The future of democracy depends on the future of authority. Repressing the excesses of democracy by developing authority will be the political role of many generations.” Contemplated with the Barão do Rio Branco Award for having been the best student over the five years of the course, he was the speaker of his class at the graduation ceremony, in December 1914. He then established himself as a lawyer in Belo Horizonte; In 1916 he applied to teach a whole section of subjects – philosophy of law, political economy, financial sciences and Roman law – at the college where he had studied. He won first place in the contest, but not the nomination, which was awarded to one of the two other candidates, Gudesteu Pires, later his colleague in the Minas government secretariat. In 1917, he won the chair of constitutional public law in a competition, being admitted as a substitute professor in April 1918; In 1918, the government of Artur Bernardes in Minas also began, which marked the elimination of the old direction of state politics. Bernardes and his Secretary of the Interior, Raul Soares, promoted a renewal of political methods, which they inherited, however, from the practice of those being replaced, the authoritarian regime. Completing the conquest of political hegemony in Minas by the representatives of the Zona da Mata, but leading men from different regions of the state, they relentlessly destroyed the influence of former state president Francisco Sales on the state machine and on the Mineiro Republican Party, the only one in the state between 1897 and 1930; According to Norma de Góis Monteiro's analysis in an article published in the Brazilian Journal of Political Studies, “the political picture began to change with the introduction of new values, representative of the new oligarchic generation that is imbued with the spirit of modernization. Thus, Odilon Braga, Cristiano Machado, Daniel de Carvalho and others are thrown into politics, who will play an active role from 1930 onwards. Among the names now projected into the federal orbit is Francisco Campos”; Thus, thanks to the repercussions of his first contest and the intellectual qualities he continued to reveal, Francisco Campos had his name included by Raul Soares on the list of PRM candidates for state deputy for the 1919-1922 legislature. Elected in 1919, with 4,287 votes, for the 7th Electoral Circumscription, he was rapporteur for the Constitution, Legislation and Justice Commission of the state chamber, participating with emphasis on the constitutional reform elaborated on the initiative of Artur Bernardes. He notably condemned municipal autonomy in his interventions, conceiving the city halls, as Norma de Góis Monteiro pointed out, as municipal executive bodies of an exclusively administrative character and provided by designation or state appointment. “City halls are, therefore, nothing more than a modality, and the most efficient and intelligent one, of the control of the central administration over the local administration”, he declared in 1920, in the course of the parliamentary debates; In 1921, Francisco Campos was included in the list of PRM candidates for federal deputy. Elected, he took office in April, after resigning as state deputy, debuting in the Chamber of Deputies with speeches that stood out for their erudition. Soon the fame of his intelligence grew, in a Minas Gerais bench that included names such as Afonso Pena Júnior, Afrânio de Melo Franco, Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada, José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, Bráulio de Magalhães, José Francisco Bias Fortes and Manuel Tomás by Carvalho Brito; Since the beginning of his mandate, he has invested “against the liberal State and liberal-democratic institutions, which he describes as political superstition”, as Jarbas Medeiros wrote. Still in 1921, he alluded to the “dragon of democratic ideology”, which would already be relegated to the “museum of political antiquities”. Contrasting with the vision of the philosopher Jean-Jacques Rousseau about the rights of the citizen and individualism, he stated, in the same year: “the time has passed… of freedom as a natural right, superior and prior to the organic formation of society: both, law and freedom, are nothing more than forms and modalities of social existence or organs destined to a specific social function... In the modern regime, individual freedoms came to be guaranteed by the State and the State administration became a legal administration”. He also attacked municipal and state autonomy, defending the strengthening of central power, against secret voting and against parliaments, which should be replaced by the press and unions: “The administration tends, therefore, to monopolize in its hands the legislative work, with great advantages for its simplicity and regularity”; In December 1921, he accused Nilo Peçanha’s campaign for the presidency of the Republic (against Artur Bernardes, who would be elected in March 1922) of transfiguring “a struggle that is a normal and commonplace movement into a democracy that values itself as a revolutionary movement. by its intentions, processes and objectives”. He attributed such transfiguration to a mentality “which is fatally and utterly lethal to democratic institutions… incomparably more harmful and ruinous to the Republic than that of despotism and oligarchy”; Re-elected in 1924, he was, throughout both legislatures, an intransigent defender of the federal governments of Epitácio Pessoa (1919-1922) and Artur Bernardes (1922-1926), of the preeminence of the Executive Power within the framework of the republican institutions defined in 1891 and of the established order; He was a staunch enemy of the “tenentes”, who promoted a series of insurrectionary attempts and uprisings after the 18 do Forte episode (5/7/1922), as well as the liberals (he called the Gaucho leader Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil a “demagogue ”). Despite all that, he would join both in the Revolution of 1930, which liquidated the first Brazilian republican order; According to Jarbas Medeiros, in the days following the failed uprising of the 18 do Forte, he once again accused the opposition and supported President Epitácio Pessoa’s decree of a state of siege, against “these repeated attempts at a plebiscite for barracks” and the “ghost of military sedition ”. He saw the military demonstrations of protest as explosions of “primitive instincts”, “forces of disorder and destruction”, “primal and Jacobin spirit”, qualifying them as “dark adventure”, “aggression to the traditional order of the country” and “flagellation of the homeland”; He feared the potential of an “anarchic social revolution” of which tenentismo could be a spearhead. In May 1925, he responded to the manifesto launched in exile by Assis Brasil, head of the Liberating Alliance, against the government, asking: “What shocks, if this movement (military sedition) spreads, would shake the country, giving rise to nobody knows what currents of feelings, ideas or passions from those underwater depths of the national soul, whose aggregates, suddenly dissolved, would release powerful energies, less capable of creating than destroying? In another speech given at the same time, he offered a preventive remedy: “In these critical periods of dissolution of a social State and liquidation of traditions, it is necessary to contain spirits, curb impulses, tightening the meshes of this elastic armor that is order. legal, in such a way as to make the discipline more rigorous and strict the more active the ferments that work for decomposition”; After systematically defending the repressive measures adopted by the Bernardes government – echoing his colleagues on the PRM bench –, he supported his proposal for constitutional reform, which would be approved by Congress in September 1926. The revision of the 1891 Constitution promoted by Bernardes it strengthened the powers of the Executive and the President of the Republic, the Union to the detriment of the states and, in general, authority, in the face of social and military effervescence. Francisco Campos saw in religious education the matrix of moral education and in moral and civic education the way to combat the “evils” of tenentism and “false declamatory liberalism”. Thus, he advocated, without success, the recognition of the Catholic religion as “the religion of the Brazilian people”; Throughout this period, he did not stop teaching: in 1920 and 1921 he taught philosophy of law and public law and, in 1924, already a federal deputy, he assumed the chair of philosophy of law, exercising it intermittently until 1930; In 1925, the until then leader of the Bernardes government in the Chamber of Deputies, Antônio Carlos, was chosen by the PRM to be the president of Minas in the quadrennium 1926-1930. Elected without competitors in March 1926, Antônio Carlos was sworn in on September 7 and appointed Francisco Campos to the Interior Secretariat, who left the Chamber to become the most influential of his assistants in the Minas Gerais Executive; According to Jarbas Medeiros, Francisco Campos, contrary to the vast majority of conservative politicians at the time, “already brought to the debate and public administrative action, in the 1920s, the concepts and programs that aimed at setting up, among us, a State national, illiberal, authoritarian and modern. Placed within the power structure then in force, he certainly worked not to undermine his social foundations – and in this he qualified as a conservative –, but to replace and rebuild, from above, its political and bureaucratic institutions, modernizing them” ; The government of Antônio Carlos in Minas generally presents a very positive balance in comparison with other administrations of the period and, above all, with the governments of his predecessors. There are, however, those who judge, such as Alexandre Barbosa Lima Sobrinho, that his achievements were motivated by the desire to project the name of Antônio Carlos nationally, in view of the succession of Washington Luís, who had assumed the presidency of the Republic on November 15, 1926; It was in the educational sector, an assignment of Francisco Campos, that the government of Antônio Carlos had the most notable performance. In September 1927, the University of Minas Gerais (now the Federal University of Minas Gerais) was created in Belo Horizonte. However, it was in the renovation of all primary and normal education in the state, in a pioneering experience in the country, that Francisco Campos stood out the most. This renewal followed the postulates of the “new school”, which had arrived in Brazil, through educators such as Anísio Teixeira and Fernando de Azevedo, after the First World War; Francisco Campos saw the traditional school, according to Jarbas Medeiros, as rhetorical and ornamental in nature, directed towards the formation of elites. The “new school” should teach how to think, invent and create solutions for the multitude of new problems of complex modern life. For him, the future of democratic institutions depended above all on “guiding and increasing primary education”, which, failing to train men, guide intelligence and distill common sense, “may make voters, not citizens”; With a group of foreign psychologists and professors – including the educator Helena Antipoff, who would become known nationally – Francisco Campos drew up an entire education reform plan, which notably resulted in the creation of the Improvement School, aimed at training and recycling educators along the lines of the “new school”. The number of primary schools tripled between 1926 and 1929, 19 normal schools were founded and the oldest existing ones, those in Belo Horizonte and Ouro Preto, were remodeled. Teachers were hired in Switzerland, France and Belgium, and female teachers from Minas Gerais went to train in the United States with scholarships from the state government. In 1928, causing some stir in political circles and gaining the sympathy of the Catholic Church, the government of Minas Gerais reintroduced religious teaching in public schools; Another reform that had the direct participation of Francisco Campos was, despite everything he previously defended in the opposite direction, the one that instituted the secret ballot in municipal and state elections (1927-1928). In the political field, however, his performance effectively increased in importance with the Liberal Alliance campaign and its unfolding in the process that culminated in the 1930 Revolution; The Liberal Alliance was created in 1929 to support the dissident candidacies of the presidents of Rio Grande do Sul, Getúlio Vargas, and of Paraíba, João Pessoa, for the presidency and vice-presidency of the Republic in the March 1930 elections. Delfim Moreira (1919) and Epitácio Pessoa (1922), a process of etiolation of the policy of concerted predominance of São Paulo and Minas Gerais was underway, leading to a Rio Grande do Sul that was often opposed. What accelerated this process, leading to the definitive split of the oligarchies that dominated the First Republic and the overthrow of the institutional framework of 1891, was the issue of succession. Around it would condense the contradictions between official policy and institutions, on the one hand, and the real situation of society and the economy, on the other; In mid-1928, when he realized that his candidacy – the tacit counterpart of the São Paulo-Minas agreement that had led Washington Luís to the presidency of the Republic – had become practically unfeasible, due to the president's obstinacy in making Júlio Prestes, president of São Paulo, his successor, Antônio Carlos began to seek an alliance with gaucho politics. Washington Luís wanted, contrary to republican practice, that the problem of presidential succession only be introduced into the national political debate from September 1929, six months before the elections. In June 1929, however, the issue was raised in the National Congress, and the Secretary of Public Safety of Mines, José Francisco Bias Fortes, addressed it in a speech at an official ceremony; On the 17th, negotiations between Minas and Rio Grande do Sul, ongoing since the beginning of the year, were translated into a secret agreement, the “Hotel Glória pact”, in Rio de Janeiro. Francisco Campos and the leader of the Minas Gerais group in the Chamber of Deputies, José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva, brother of Antônio Carlos, represented the president of Minas Gerais. Vargas and the head of the Rio-Grandense Republican Party, Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros, were represented by the leader of the Rio Grande do Sul PRR group, João Neves da Fontoura. Under the agreement, the two states would support the candidacy of a miner proposed by Washington Luís; but, in case the president proposed a candidate from any other state, Minas would refuse and launch the name of a gaucho – Borges de Medeiros or Getúlio Vargas. Although a hypothetical and remote candidacy of Antônio Carlos was not ignored, the main meaning of the pact was to repudiate the name of Júlio Prestes; After an exchange of letters between Washington Luís, on the one hand, and Getúlio Vargas and Antônio Carlos, on the other, the Liberal Alliance was formed in early August. His program proposed granting a broad amnesty to all political prisoners, prosecuted and persecuted since July 5, 1922, in addition to secret ballot, at the forefront of a series of political reforms. Under the presidency of Antônio Carlos, the Liberal Alliance held its national convention on September 20, 1929, in Rio de Janeiro, ratifying the candidacies of Vargas and João Pessoa; As the date of the elections approached, the most radical politicians of the Liberal Alliance – such as Virgílio de Melo Franco from Minas Gerais and Gauchos João Neves, José Antônio Flores da Cunha, João Batista Luzardo and Osvaldo Aranha, Vargas’ Secretary of the Interior – reinforced the conviction that Washington Luís would prevent the opposition candidates from winning by all means. They thus began to contemplate the possibility of triggering an armed movement against the federal government. Since the end of 1929, they have been sought after by military revolutionaries from 1922 and 1924, such as Antônio de Siqueira Campos, Newton Estillac Leal, João Alberto Lins de Barros, Juarez Távora, Leopoldo Néri da Fonseca, Eduardo Gomes and Osvaldo Cordeiro de Farias. The main intermediary between the “tenentes” and the political forces from Minas Gerais and Rio Grande do Sul was Virgílio de Melo Franco, who was a state deputy in Minas; This first phase of the conspiratorial movement did not yet imply preparation for armed struggle, with contacts being carried out in parallel with the opposition's electoral propaganda. Deep down, according to Virgílio de Melo Franco, the leaders of the three opposition states “were not at all resolved to appeal to the extreme recourse of revolution, if not as a last resort… Mr. Antônio Carlos, above all, had a supreme horror of the idea of revolution”; On March 1, 1930, it was not difficult for Washington Luís to obtain victory for Júlio Prestes and his running mate, Bahian Vital Soares, with a large difference in votes over the Liberal Alliance ticket. Then, the prospect of an armed movement gained momentum. At the end of March, Batista Luzardo, accompanied by Virgílio de Melo Franco, made contact with Epitácio Pessoa, in Petrópolis, and Antônio Carlos, in Minas, later heading to Porto Alegre, where he met with the political leaders from Rio Grande do Sul involved in the conspiracy, including Getulio Vargas. Then returning to Rio, he redid the previous script with Virgílio, confirming Antônio Carlos' support for the armed movement; In April, the revolutionary preparation scheme was transmitted by Virgílio, Luzardo and Luís Aranha, brother and emissary of Osvaldo Aranha, to Epitácio Pessoa, Artur Bernardes and Antônio Carlos. Osvaldo Aranha accelerated the conspiracy, ordering around 16 thousand contos de réis in war material and ammunition in Czechoslovakia. Rio Grande do Sul should participate with half of this sum, with six thousand contos for Minas and two thousand for Paraíba; Antônio Carlos agreed with the proposed scheme and instructed Francisco Campos to accompany Luís Aranha to Rio Grande do Sul, to verify in loco the progress of the preparations. He stayed in Rio Grande do Sul between April 18th and 27th, maintaining contacts with the politicians of the Ala Moça of the PRR and with Borges de Medeiros. With Vargas and Osvaldo Aranha, he agreed on the conditions for Minas Gerais to participate in the movement. The state's military task would consist of distracting the federal troops that were in it and closing the borders themselves, attracting more federal troops, who would thus be withdrawn from the southern border of São Paulo. The seditious counted on dominating the federal troops in Rio Grande do Sul and then marching towards the capital of the Republic; Back in Rio, Francisco Campos had an interview with Artur Bernardes and headed to Minas. Antônio Carlos authorized the start of material preparation for the movement. On May 27, the PRM executive committee unanimously approved Minas' participation in the movement. On June 1, Vargas launched a manifesto to the nation, denouncing the procedures of the federal government in the electoral process and affirming that “the necessary rectification is not far off, so that we can see Brazilian democracy in the regime that demands the happiness of the country”; In the following days, however, Antônio Carlos began to retreat. When he was informed of the choice of the date of July 16th for the outbreak of the movement, he showed hesitation and criticized what he considered rashness by the gauchos revolutionaries. In mid-June, frightened by signs that the movement was being poorly prepared, he accused Virgílio de Melo Franco and the other Minas Gerais activists of the conspiracy of involving him, as well as Minas Gerais, in a “crazy adventure”. Francisco Campos, wrote Virgílio, “with his skeptical temperament, did little to help us in the desperate effort we made to galvanize Andrada”; On June 17, Antônio Carlos ordered Francisco Campos to sign a radiogram to Osvaldo Aranha, stating that the president of Minas considered the movement to be entirely unarticulated, poorly prepared and unlikely to succeed, and proposing a concertation between Minas and Rio Grande do Sul. South with a view to a political campaign. Osvaldo Aranha responded by urging the government of Minas Gerais to define itself in relation to the armed struggle. On the 21st, Francisco Campos contacted Osvaldo Aranha again, reiterating that Antônio Carlos advocated, as a guideline, an exclusively political action. He added, in line with his opinion, but urged by Antônio Carlos, that the Minas Gerais president wanted to avoid the movement; Two days later, Aranha gave a harsh reply: he made the president of Minas bear the entire responsibility for the withdrawal. Worried about the repercussions of his attitude, Antônio Carlos sought to transfer responsibility for whether or not Minas would participate to Olegário Maciel, who was elected his successor as president of the state in March. At the end of the month, Getúlio, with the cover of the withdrawal of Antônio Carlos, withdrew himself, which led Osvaldo Aranha to resign from the Secretary of the Interior of the government of Rio Grande do Sul. The first attempt to start the revolution had failed; The murder of João Pessoa in Recife, on July 26, 1930, put the revolutionary perspective back on the agenda. There were comings and goings regarding the date on which it would be possible to break out the armed struggle. In Minas, the problem revolved around September 7, when the state presidency would be broadcast. Antônio Carlos wanted the revolution to break out under the government of Olegário Maciel, who in turn wanted the opposite. After all, Vargas and Osvaldo Aranha chose October 3rd; The revolution began in Porto Alegre at 5:30 pm on October 3rd. At 11 pm, all the military garrisons in the capital of Rio Grande do Sul were in control, with the exception of a cavalry battalion, which surrendered the following day. In Belo Horizonte, the fight started at the same time, but the resistance offered by the 12th Infantry Regiment (12th RI) was more tenacious: the regiment resisted the siege and attacks by the rebels (troops from the Public Force, for the most part) during five days. Odilon Braga, who had been Secretary of Security until September 7, articulated revolutionary activities in the capital of Minas Gerais. Francisco Campos, who had been replaced in the Secretariat of the Interior by Cristiano Machado, also acted as if he continued in the government, with the agreement of his replacement; On October 24, when the troops that left Rio Grande do Sul were already on the border between Paraná and São Paulo, Washington Luís was deposed in the federal capital, and a military junta took over the government. The junta's intentions were unclear. Its members declared themselves willing to accept that Vargas, the head of the movement, assume the presidency of a government collegiate. But Getúlio's plans did not foresee the sharing of power. He became head of the provisional government on November 3, after the junta gave in to the threat of rebel troops continuing their advance towards the then Federal District; The provisional government acquired legal status on November 11, through a decree signed by Vargas. Three days later, he created the Ministry of Education and Public Health and summoned Francisco Campos to assume it. According to Edgar Carone, before the revolution, Vargas assumed the commitment to give three ministries to Rio Grande do Sul, three to Minas and one to Paraíba. However, he was obliged to keep one of the members of the junta that had preceded him in the portfolio of the Navy, and the distribution of the other ministries did not follow the foreseen scheme; In the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was a mineiro, Afrânio de Melo Franco, who had taken over the portfolio on October 24, when the junta deposed Washington Luís. But Artur Bernardes and Olegário Maciel, the two politicians who came out strengthened in Minas with the revolutionary process, declared that Afrânio did not represent the policy of their state in the ministry and demanded that Mário Brant and Francisco Campos be nominated (Mário Brant went to the presidency of the Bank of Brazil). The reform of education in Minas Gerais projected Campos' name nationally, accrediting him to occupy the newly created Ministry of Education; The victory of the revolution strengthened, in Minas Gerais, the authority of Olegário Maciel – the only state ruler who was not replaced by a federal intervenor – and of the PRM, representative of the local dominant groups. The party's president, Artur Bernardes, had played an important role in the political preparation of the movement, maintaining a firm position, which contrasted with the vacillating conduct of Antônio Carlos and even Olegário Maciel; The post-revolutionary situation was unstable because it contained a contradiction between the objectives of the “tenentes” and young radical politicians of the Liberal Alliance, such as Osvaldo Aranha and Virgílio de Melo Franco, on the one hand, and those of the traditional political forces, on the other. For these, which Olegário, Bernardes and Antônio Carlos were part of, the revolution had been “an armed movement that aimed to re-establish the political game broken by São Paulo”. The intervention of the “lieutenants” in political life in Minas Gerais “had as its main objective the neutralization of the political power of the oligarchies, finding a target and resistance in the Bernardist faction”, as Helena Bomeny wrote, in a work published in the book Regionalismo e centralização politica; At the same time, the division had been installed within the PRM since the process of choosing Olegário Maciel for the state government, in October 1929, with the withdrawal of the candidacy of the then vice president of the Republic and former state president, Fernando de Melo Viana, and the subsequent creation of the Conservative Concentration, whose activity had robbed candidate Getúlio Vargas of many votes in Minas in the March 1, 1930 election. group that could serve as a support base for his government. Bernardes' influence in his government was great, and it seemed to grow after the triumph of the armed movement; Still in November 1930, the “tenentes” began to pressure Olegário in the sense of establishing an anti-Bernardista alliance. The most important target, however, was not exactly the presence of Bernardes in the political life of Minas Gerais, but above all the PRM and its system of power, as expressions of a mentality and practices that the revolution, in the conception of the “tenentes”, had come to eradicate. Osvaldo Aranha, Minister of Justice in the provisional government, and Francisco Campos considered it necessary to create a revolutionary party; Soon after the victory, the “tenentes”, under the leadership of lieutenant colonel Pedro Aurélio de Góis Monteiro, head of the revolutionary forces, and other military members of the government, such as Miguel Costa, João Alberto and Juarez Távora, created the Legião de October, also called the Revolutionary Legion. The first manifesto of the new organization was launched in São Paulo on November 12th. On the following 21st, Ministers Osvaldo Aranha, Francisco Campos, José Fernandes Leite de Castro (War) and Isaías de Noronha (Navy), in addition to Batista Luzardo, Chief of Police, and Góis Monteiro, sent a telegram to Olegário Maciel suggesting the creation of the Legion of October in Minas, as an instrument of defense and propagation of the ideals of the revolution. Francisco Campos would be the main architect of the organization and, as such, an instrument of Vargas, Osvaldo Aranha and Góis Monteiro in the struggle to destroy Bernardes' influence in Minas and, in the long term, destroy the PRM itself. “Representative of the new values originating from the decadent oligarchies”, wrote Norma de Góis Monteiro, “Francisco Campos combined his great intellectual capacity with an enormous desire for political ascension. Hence the ease with which he will adapt to all political injunctions, as long as he remains in power”; On November 26, Olegário dismissed three state secretaries linked to Bernardes – José Carneiro de Resende (Finance), Alaor Prata (Agriculture) and Cristiano Machado (Interior) –, replaced respectively by Amaro Lanari, Cincinato Noronha Guarani and Gustavo Capanema. On that occasion, Francisco Campos went to Minas to confer secretly with the president of Minas Gerais regarding the formation of the Legion of October in the state. It is presumed that his visit was related to the exonerations, as the new secretaries would be the leaders of the legion; Speaking of a trip he made to Rio on December 5, Gustavo Capanema, as quoted by Helena Bomeny, stated that Francisco Campos, after receiving him at the train station, “discussed the matter with me: liquidating Bernardes… Campos' initial plan it was not the founding of the legion or another party in Minas. It was the reorganization of the PRM executive committee with the liquidation of Bernardes. I found it difficult and risky. In addition to everything ungrateful and unfair... After several days of conversation, I returned... In the end, I came from Rio willing to help Campos in the slaughter of Bernardes”; Between the 6th and the 26th of December, Francisco Campos took over the Ministry of Justice on an interim basis, replacing the incumbent Osvaldo Aranha. On the 13th, Olegário Maciel sent a letter to Vargas designating Francisco Campos as representative of Minas Gerais with the provisional government; The Legião de Outubro was founded in Minas on February 27, 1931, through the manifesto distributed on that date in Belo Horizonte signed by Francisco Campos, Gustavo Capanema and Amaro Lanari, among others. According to the document, the legion would not be “a league of carbonari, nor a caste of agitators”, but “a group of patriots indissolubly linked by moral ties and only animated by the aspiration to work for Brazil”. The Legion of October came with a “double purpose: to defend the victory of the Brazilian revolution and to realize its ideals”. Defending the victory of the Brazilian revolution meant “combating all its enemies”, defined in “three categories: enemies from the old regime (deposed governors, hypocritical adherents and addicts and corrupt people of all kinds), enemies existing within the revolution itself (revolutionaries without conviction and lazy or skeptical revolutionaries) and enemies of external origin (all propagandists, preachers and apostles of exotic and inapplicable political doctrines for the solution of Brazilian problems)”. It was his duty, finally, "to maintain and strengthen the spirit of national unity and to preach and develop the high sentiments and great human virtues"; The Legion of October soon revealed its fascist character. On April 21, Francisco Campos organized a legion parade in Belo Horizonte. The legionnaires, a uniformed militia in khaki shirts, flocked from almost every town in the state. Olegário Maciel also wore a khaki shirt, over which, somewhat embarrassed, he put on a jacket, and greeted the procession from the balcony of the government palace; The organization then changed its name to Legião Liberal Mineira, becoming better known as Legião Mineira, and managed to recruit a large contingent of Perremists through pressure and intimidation. According to Helena Bomeny, ambiguity marked Legião from the beginning: “As a result of a lieutenant project, it found itself in the contingency of being implanted by oligarchic forces of the state. If ideologically it was characterized by criticism of oligarchic regionalism, in practice it was driven by sectors of the oligarchy”; At that time, Francisco Campos’ thinking leaned towards fascism, according to Wilson Martins, who transcribes Maurício de Lacerda’s account of a dialogue held with Campos a few days before the provisional government took office: “We strongly challenge such an oppressive orientation, which is the shame of Italian history and the opprobrium of modern Europe. He explained, somewhat hesitantly, that it was a fascism of ideas, of spirit, and not of compression methods. ”; At the end of March 1931, the provisional government reformed the Special Court that had been created the previous November with the aim of pointing out irregularities and corruption under the government of Washington Luís. The reform, which transformed the court into a Board of Sanctions, was carried out at a time when Artur Bernardes and more than a hundred deputies had been denounced. Three ministers – Osvaldo Aranha, Francisco Campos and Leite de Castro – were members of the Board of Sanctions, which in September was renamed the Administrative Correction Commission, retaining only Osvaldo Aranha from its former composition. The new commission, however, ended up dying forgotten; The main measures adopted by Francisco Campos in the Ministry of Education and Public Health date from April 1931. On the 11th, two decrees were signed. The first, containing the statute of Brazilian universities, stated that the university system was preferential to that of isolated higher schools. In order to give substance to the university idea, the decree established the requirement, for the foundation of university entities, of the existence of three higher education units – Law, Medicine and Engineering – or, in place of one of them, the Faculty of Education, Sciences and Letters. The second decree detailed the organization of the University of Rio de Janeiro (later the University of Brazil and the current Federal University of Rio de Janeiro); On April 18, the reform of secondary education was decreed, removing its character as a passage to college. In fact, it was from then on that secondary education began to exist in Brazil as it is conceived today. The course was extended to seven years, with five of the common fundamental part (which was later called high school) and two of a complementary course, “mandatory for candidates to enroll in certain institutes of higher education” (the supplementary course would unfold more later on “scientific” and “classical”, acquiring a life of its own, while access to higher education started to be done through entrance exams). Finally, on the 30th, the decree was signed that reintroduced, on an optional basis, religious teaching in official schools; The modernizing facet of Francisco Campos' thought, which constituted one of the ideological aspects of the formation of the Brazilian "technocracy", was the conceptual basis of the higher education reforms, as it appears in the explanations of reasons for the respective decrees: "Man's education does not it will never be done through the system of passive receptivity... True education concentrates its interest on the processes of acquisition rather than on the object they have in view, and its preference tends not towards the transmission of ready-made, finished and ready-made solutions. formulated, but for the directions of the spirit, trying to create, with the constitutive elements of the problem or the situation in fact, the opportunity and the interest for the inquiry, the investigation and the personal work in view of the proper and adequate solution and, if possible, individual and new”; The role of the school, he added, “is still growing with the transformations that contemporary life has been going through”. A little later, in a speech at the Bahia Faculty of Economics, he stated: “The world lives today under the sign of economics, as it once lived under the sign of religion and politics.” Hence the need for education “of a technical and professional nature”, which would allow managing the economy (“a managed economy is, above all, an organized and rationalized economy”). “Directing the national economy without an intense scientific and practical preparation of a body of technicians and experts destined to guide legislative measures and government interventions is, evidently, to pass from the most competent, which are the producers, to empiricism and official adventures the government of national wealth.”;

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149

Paulo de Frontin -

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74

Estácio Coimbra - Yes. -

Henrique Dodsworth - Yes. -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

uncertainty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary:

Themes:

ABC -

ABL -

AIPB -

AM-B -

AL -

Anarchism -

1891 Constitutional Assembly -

ABE -

ABI -

ACSP -

ACRJ -

AVANTI! -

Brazil Bank -

National Flag -

Imperial Family Ban -

A Batalha -

Workers and peasants bloc -

Bolivia Syndicate -

Salvador bombing -

Borracha -

Bota-Abaixo -

Caixa de aposentadorias e pensões de estradas de ferro -

Campanha Civilista -

False letters -

CACO -

Centro acadêmico XI de agosto -

CIESP -

Centro dom vital -

CIB -

A cigarra -

Clarté -

Classe operária -

Clube de engenharia -

Clube militar -

Clube naval -

Clube republicano -

Código civil de 1916 -

Coligação Católica Brasileira -

Coluna Prestes -

Comissão de diplomação dos eleitos/Comissão de verificação de poderes -

Confederação geral do trabalho -

COB -

Conferencias de Paz de Haia (1899 e 1907) -

Conferencias pan-americanas -

CNT -

1891 Constitution -

Convenio de Taubaté -

Colarinho Roosevelt -

Coronelismo -

Correio da manhã -

Correio do povo -

Correio Paulistano -

1929 Crisis -

Crítica -

O Cruzeiro -

Damas da cruz verde -

Defesa nacional -

DNSP -

Dia do soldado -

Diário carioca -

Diário da Bahia -

Diário da manhã -

Diário da noite -

Diário de notícias (RJ) -

Diário de notícias (salvador) -

Diário de pernambuco -

Diário de SP -

Diário nacional -

Diário oficial -

Diplomacia das canhoneiras -

Dom Quixote -

Doutrina Drago -

Electron -

ELEIÇÃO A BICO DE PENA -

ENCILHAMENTO -

ESCOLA DO RECIFE -

ESCOLA MILITAR DA PRAIA VERMELHA -

ESCOLA MILITAR DO REALENGO -

ESQUERDA, A -

ESTADO DE MINAS -

ESTADO DE S. PAULO, O -

EXPOSIÇÃO DO CENTENÁRIO DA ABERTURA DOS PORTOS -

EXPOSIÇÃO INTERNACIONAL DO CENTENÁRIO DA INDEPENDÊNCIA DO BRASIL -

FEDERAÇÃO, A -

FEDERAÇÃO BRASILEIRA PELO PROGRESSO FEMININO -

FLORIANISMO -

FLUMINENSE, O -

FON FON -

FUNDING LOANS (1898, 1914 e 1931) -

GAZETA, A -

IMIGRAÇÃO -

IMPOSTO DE RENDA -

ITABIRA IRON ORE COMPANY -

IFOCS -

JACOBINISMO -

Silva Jardim (republican stuff) -

JORNAL DO BRASIL -

JORNAL DO COMÉRCIO -

JORNAL, O -

JOVENS TURCOS -

KLAXON -

LANTERNA, A -

LEI DO SORTEIO MILITAR -

LEI ELÓI CHAVES -

LEIS ADOLFO GORDO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA CONTRA O ANALFABETISMO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA PELOS ALIADOS -

LIGA DA DEFESA NACIONAL (LDN) -

LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

LIGA DE AÇÃO REVOLUCIONARIA -

LIGA NACIONALISTA DE SÃO PAULO (LNSP) -

LIGA PRÓ-SANEAMENTO DO BRASIL -

LIGHT -

MAÇONARIA -

MARAGATOS, PICA-PAUS E CHIMANGOS -

MUTUALISMO -

NAÇÃO, A -

NACIONALISMO -

Nicanor do Nascimento -

NOITE, A -

NOTÍCIA, A -

OCUPAÇÃO BRITÂNICA DA ILHA DA TRINDADE -

OLIGARQUIAS -

ORDEM, A -

PACTO BRIAND-KELLOG -

PACTO DE PEDRAS ALTAS -

PAÍS, O -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA CONFERÊNCIA DE PAZ DE VERSALHES -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA PRIMEIRA GUERRA MUNDIAL -

PÁTRIA, A -

PLATEIA, A -

PLEBE, A -

POLÍTICA COMERCIAL NA PRIMEIRA REPÚBLICA -

POLÍTICA DAS SALVAÇÕES -

POLÍTICA DOS GOVERNADORES -

POSITIVISMO -

POVO, O -

PRIMEIRO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

Proclamação da República -

PROJETO DE PACTO DO ABC DE 1909 -

QUESTÃO MILITAR -

QUESTÃO PANTHER -

RAZÃO, A -

REAÇÃO REPUBLICANA -

REARMAMENTO NAVAL (1910) -

RECONHECIMENTO DO REGIME REPUBLICANO -

REFORMA DA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1891 -

REFORMA DO SERVIÇO DIPLOMÁTICO (1895) -

REFORMAS EDUCACIONAIS -

RETIRADA DO BRASIL DA LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

REVISTA DA SEMANA -

REVISTA DE ANTROPOFAGIA -

REVISTA DO BRASIL -

REVISTA ILUSTRADA -

REVOLTA DA ARMADA -

REVOLTA DA CHIBATA -

REVOLTA DA VACINA -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1922 -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1924 -

REVOLUÇÃO DE 1930 -

REVOLUÇÃO FEDERALISTA -

REVOLUÇÃO GAÚCHA DE 1923 -

SEDIÇÃO DE JUAZEIRO -

SEGUNDO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

SEMANA DE ARTE MODERNA -

SINDICALISMO -

SINDICALISMO AMARELO -

SINDICATO -

SISTEMA ELEITORAL -

SAIN -

SRB -

STF -

STM -

TARDE, A -

TENENTISMO -

TERRA LIVRE, A -

TRATADO DE LOCARNO -

TRATADO DE PETRÓPOLIS -

TRATADOS DE FIXAÇÃO DE LIMITES TERRITORIAIS -

TRIBUNAL DE CONTAS -

UFAM -