User:Caio79 (Brazil)

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Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Afonso Celso de Assis - Yes. -

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. -

Cesário Alvim - Yes. -

Antônio da Silva Prado - Maybe. -

Francisco de Assis Rosa e Silva - Yes.

Afonso Pena - Yes. -

Joaquim Nabuco - Yes. -

Barão do Rio Branco - Yes. -

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. -

Paulino de Sousa - Yes. -

Marquês de Muritiba - No. -

Visconde de Sinimbu - No. -

José Antônio Saraiva - No. -

João Alfredo Correia de Oliveira - No. -

Eduardo Wandekolk - Yes. -

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Mariano Carneiro da Cunha - Yes. -

Carlos de Laet - No. -

Alberto Torres - Yes. -

Viscount of Taunay - No. -

António Luis von Hoonoholtz - No. - Baron of Tefé -

Lafayatte Rodrigues - No.

Antônio Marcelino Nunes Gonçalves - No. - Viscount of São Luis do Maranhão -

Oligarchy:

Rodrigues Alves - Yes. - 21 - Conservative

Francisco Campos - Yes. - 48

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149

Hermes da Fonseca - Yes. - 20 - Conservative

Washington Luís - Yes. - Liberal or Conservative - Washington Luís Pereira de Sousa was born in Macaé (RJ) on October 26, 1869, son of Lieutenant Colonel Joaquim Luís Pereira de Sousa and Florinda Sá Pinto Pereira de Sousa. He belonged to a family of great political prestige during the Empire, which included Pedro Luís Pereira de Sousa, deputy general, Minister of Foreign Affairs in the first Saraiva cabinet (1880-1881) and president of the province of Bahia in 1882, and Francisco Belisário Soares de Sousa, deputy, senator, president of Banco do Brasil and finance minister in the Cotegipe cabinet (1885); He did his primary studies at the Municipal School of Barra Mansa, entering in 1844 at Colégio Pedro II, in Rio de Janeiro, where he studied humanities. Moving to the city of São Paulo in 1888, he attended the preparatory course attached to the Faculty of Law before being admitted to that institution, from which he graduated in 1891. In 1892 he returned to the state of Rio and was appointed public prosecutor in BarraMansa. The following year, he moved to Batatais, where he opened a law firm in partnership with Joaquim Celidônio dos Reis Júnior, starting to work mainly on issues related to the demarcation and division of land in the Alta Mojiana region, at the time in the process of being occupied. by the coffee plantation. From then on, he developed most of his professional and political activity in the state of São Paulo, which is why he would later receive the nickname “Paulista de Macaé”; Tenacious defender of municipal autonomy, in 1897 he was elected councilor to the Municipality of Batatais, whose presidency he assumed afterwards. Between 1898 and 1899, he served as head of the municipality's intendência (city hall). Affiliated to the Federal Republican Party, when this association split in 1897, he aligned himself with the current of General Francisco Glicério, opposed to that led by the President of the Republic, Prudente de Morais. Candidate for federal deputy for São Paulo in the 1900 election, he carried out a strong opposition campaign, fighting both the federal government, led at the time by Campos Sales (1898-1902), and the São Paulo government, of Francisco de Paula Rodrigues Alves (1900-1902). Although victorious at the polls, he did not have his election recognized by the Commission for Verification of Powers of the Chamber of Deputies, which refused him the mandate; Still in 1900, already highly respected in São Paulo political circles, he moved to the state capital and married Sofia de Oliveira Barros, daughter of the barons of Piracicaba, great coffee growers. The marriage reinforced his ties with the São Paulo oligarchy, and in the following years Washington Luís combined his political activity with his work as a historian, producing two monographs resulting from research carried out at the State Public Archives in 1902 and 1903: “Contribution to the history of the captaincy from Sao Paulo. Government of Rodrigo César Meneses” (published in 1904 in the Magazine of the Historical and Geographical Institute of São Paulo) and Testament of João Ramalho (1905); In 1904, he was elected state deputy in the party of the Paulista Republican Party (PRP), an association that at the time exercised broad control over regional politics. In the exercise of his mandate, he stood out as a defender of municipal autonomy, he supported the project of deputy João Nogueira Jaguaribe authorizing expenses with the exploration of rivers and the opening of paths to expand the economic frontier of the state, he participated in the state Constituent Assembly that in 1905 revised the Constitution of São Paulo, defended the project to census the population of the state and spoke out in favor of granting retirement and reform for civil and military civil servants; In 1906, at the end of the legislature, he was appointed Secretary of Justice in the government of Jorge Tibiriçá (1904-1908), with the mission of carrying out a reform in the Civil and Military Police in order to reinforce the power of the state government. In the exercise of this position, he coordinated the unification of the Justice and Public Security departments, created the Police Assistance Service, improved the Fire Department and instituted new norms for the police career, establishing, among other measures, the obligation of a lawyer's diploma for police officers. For the technical improvement of the state's military contingents, he also requested the assistance of a French mission, which, headed by Colonel Paul Balaguy, arrived in São Paulo in 1906. His work at the head of the Secretariat of Justice contradicted the interests of local political leaders, who until then occupied police functions and used them as an important element in the reproduction of their power and electoral force. However, he was kept in office by Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins, successor of Jorge Tibiriçá, and remained in it until 1912; Washington Luís was again elected state deputy in September 1912, as part of the PRP. Leader of the state government of Rodrigues Alves (1912-1916), in October 1913 he was chosen by the councilors of the capital of São Paulo for the position of mayor of the city. He took office the following year, interrupting the parliamentary mandate, and faced the problems arising from the intense growth experienced by the capital due to the expansion of the coffee economy and industrial development; Although he insisted on highlighting his administrative prudence and his concern for budgetary balance – he did not carry out works “without having ready money in his drawer” and did not order payments without legal authorization – Washington Luís built more than three hundred kilometers of roads and streets within the municipality. and, following the Europeanizing tendency of the São Paulo elite at the time, he hired French specialists to guide the city plan. Supported by the president of the state Altino Arantes (1916-1920), he systematically used repressive measures against the emerging labor movement, which during this period reached its peak in the general strike enacted in 1917. supply crisis caused in part by the First World War, and the motto Non ducor, duco (I am not led, I lead) was introduced into the coat of arms of São Paulo. Re-elected to mayoralty by direct vote in 1917, he fought the flu epidemic that ravaged the city the following year; Owner of great political prestige within the PRP, in 1919 he passed the mayorship to the deputy mayor Álvaro da Rocha Azevedo and ran as a candidate to succeed Altino Arantes in the government of São Paulo, with Fernando Prestes de Albuquerque as his running mate. During the campaign, he set the defense of the coffee plantation as the main goal of his government, strengthening manpower, credit, transport, and expanding the consumer market. He also recognized the need to protect industry, especially that which used domestic raw materials. As for the labor movement, he claimed that it was a problem “that matters more to public order than to social order”, a concept that he would later repeat during his campaign for the presidency of the Republic. This assertion gave rise to the accusation that he considered the social question a “police case”; Elected to the government of São Paulo on March 1, 1920, Washington Luís took office two months later, immediately facing a political crisis related to a sharp drop in exports and the prices achieved by coffee on the international market. Despite pressure from large producers, it did not agree to commit the state government to purchasing inventories to support product prices, considering that this responsibility rested with the federal government, which in turn also refused to adopt this orientation once again. The divergence that arose almost determined the rupture of relations between the President of the Republic, Epitácio Pessoa (1919-1922), and the presidents of São Paulo and Minas Gerais, and was only overcome with the retreat of the federal government, which issued paper money. , intervened in the market and, shortly afterwards, took out loans in England worth nine million pounds to cover the necessary measures for the revaluation of coffee. Prices recovered from 1923 and the following year, with the creation of the Instituto Paulista de Defesa do Café, the federal government transferred the responsibility for managing similar crises to the state level; In the 1922 elections for the presidency of the Republic, won by Artur Bernardes from Minas Gerais, the PRP was divided. Washington Luís supported the victorious candidate, who guaranteed the continuity of the alternation between mineiros and paulistas in the leadership of the government, while senator Álvaro de Carvalho led a current favorable to Nilo Peçanha, a politician from Rio de Janeiro, candidate of the Republican Reaction. During his term at the head of the government of São Paulo, Washington Luís paid special attention to the transport network, remaining faithful to his motto: “To govern is to open roads.” Its expansion plan for the state highway system resulted in the construction of 1,326km of new highways. He also gave attention to river navigation, subsidizing the transport service on the Paraná River and improving the navigability conditions of the Paraíba River between Guararema and Queluz. He also promoted the electrification of the Campos do Jordão railroad and obtained authorization for the construction of a bridge in Porto Cemitério, on the border between São Paulo and Minas Gerais; Concerned with increasing São Paulo's pressure capacity in the Federation, he perfected and expanded the state's military personnel, which in 1925 now had a police force of 14,000 men, the largest in the country. His government also took initiatives to instill in the people an awareness of a glorious past in São Paulo. In this sense, he founded the Museu Histórico Republicano de Itu and supported commemorative historical projects, at a time when the “adornments of bandeirismo” reached their peak with the appearance of the first volumes of História Geral das Bandeiras, by Afonso de Taunay, the reprint of Nobiliarquia paulistana and the emergence of the first issues of the Anais do Museu Paulista. It was also up to his government to inaugurate the first labor justice bodies in São Paulo, which received the name of rural courts and the task of judging issues related to the interpretation and execution of lease contracts for agricultural services; In 1924, the controversy surrounding the state succession provoked the formation of a PRP dissidence – known as “the coalitions” – led by Altino Arantes and Olavo Egydio de Sousa Aranha. The dissident wing launched the candidacy of senator Álvaro de Carvalho, but Washington Luís gave its support to Carlos de Campos, who won the elections, and to whom he transferred the leadership of the São Paulo government on May 1, 1924; Two months later, on July 5, the state capital was occupied by revolutionary contingents led by General Isidoro Dias Lopes, in an uprising that aimed to depose the state and federal governments. For the repression of the movement, Army troops were mobilized and the so-called “patriotic battalions” were formed in the interior, paramilitary forces commanded by large landowners and local political leaders, such as Fernando Prestes and Ataliba Leonel. Washington Luís led the 3rd Battalion, organized in Batatais. After three weeks of fighting, the rebels left the capital of São Paulo and headed for the west of Paraná, where they joined in April 1925 with insurgent gaucho troops to form the Miguel Costa-Prestes Column; Washington Luís assumed a seat in the Senate in 1925, occupying the vacancy created by the death of Alfredo Ellis. However, at the national convention of the Republican Party, held in Rio de Janeiro on September 12, 1925, he was nominated as a candidate for the presidency of the Republic. He then abandoned the parliamentary mandate at the beginning of 1926, being replaced by Arnolfo de Azevedo. His prestige as former president of São Paulo, his leadership in the PRP and the practice of alternating government leadership between mineiros and paulistas – known as the “coffee with milk policy” – ensured his status as the only candidate for the 1st presidential election. March 1926. His choice was only contested by the president of Minas Gerais, Fernando de Melo Viana, a problem quickly resolved with his nomination for vice-presidential candidate. Both were elected; On November 15, 1926, the date of his inauguration, Washington Luís went to the headquarters of the Chamber of Deputies, in the Federal District, parading in an open car through the crowd. This gesture began a period of political distension that aroused positive expectations throughout the country, which was subject to a state of siege during the entire government of Artur Bernardes. On the other hand, the formation of the new cabinet obeyed the determination to ensure São Paulo's hegemony, expand the support base of the federal government and weaken Minas Gerais' resistance to the administration that was beginning. To this end, the new president sought to strengthen the alliance with Rio Grande do Sul, appointing Getúlio Vargas, federal deputy from Rio Grande do Sul, to the Ministry of Finance; At the beginning of his government, Washington Luís had no difficulties in getting congressional approval of the monetary reform project presented in December 1926 by Júlio Prestes de Albuquerque, leader of the majority in the Chamber, instituting a return to the gold standard and creating a new fund. for exchange rate stabilization – called Caixa de Estabilização – which was later incorporated into Banco do Brasil. The exchange rate was then set above market indices, with the aim of favoring exports and protecting domestic industry. The decision, however, provoked a strong negative reaction from trade, hampered by the rise in imports; On the political front, the main measures immediately implemented were the extinction of the prison on the island of Trindade, on the coast of Espírito Santo; the release of political prisoners – including journalists subject to the Press Law – and military personnel detained without trial; the non-renewal of the state of siege, whose term expired on December 31, 1926; and the legalization of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), then called the Communist Party of Brazil, in January 1927. The following month, the Prestes Coluna entered Bolivian territory, where it negotiated its disarmament, putting an end to the last outbreak of armed revolt. However, government measures did not meet all the opposition's claims. The amnesty, insistently requested by student organizations, newspapers and parliamentarians, was rejected by the ruling majority in Congress, while the processes and convictions of numerous opponents of the regime continued. In mid-August 1927, amid the growth of opposition, the government began to backtrack on its liberalism, reversing the trends and expectations created. He obtained the approval of the Aníbal Toledo Project, which gave rise to the so-called “Celerada Law”, responsible for the resumption of strict censorship of the press and other forms of curtailing freedom of expression, arousing indignant reactions from the opposition. Simultaneously, it made the PCB illegal; In São Paulo, the main support base of the federal government, the emergence of the Democratic Party (PD) strengthened the opposition. Preaching the secret ballot and the moralization of the electoral process, the PD approached the tenentistas currents that continued to articulate within the Army in opposition to the current regime. In the parliamentary elections of 1927, the PD elected three federal deputies – José Adriano Marrey Júnior, Francisco Morato and Paulo de Morais Barros – and then proceeded to try to articulate the opposition forces of different regions. From these initiatives emerged the ephemeral National Democratic Party which, with the presence of politicians from Rio Grande do Sul led by Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil, was an embryo of the opposition front coalesced later around the Liberal Alliance; Washington Luís supported the name of Júlio Prestes, son of Fernando Prestes and president of São Paulo since 1927, for his succession. In view of this, Minas Gerais president Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada sought rapprochement with Rio Grande do Sul, governed by Getúlio Vargas since January 1928, and proposed the launch of a Gaucho candidacy for the presidency of the Republic. The understandings between these two states began in January 1929, laying the foundations for the formation of the Liberal Alliance, an opposition coalition also supported by the government of Paraíba, by the oppositions of the other states and by members of the tenentista movement; In addition to the political unity of Rio Grande do Sul, achieved through the united front of its parties sponsored by Vargas, the strengthening experienced by the Rio Grande do Sul economy in this period contributed to improve the conditions of state interference in national political life, favoring the emergence of a new force until then marginalized in the dispute for presidential successions. Acting with prudence and avoiding breaking ties with the President of the Republic, Vargas took advantage of the privileged situation in which Rio Grande do Sul found itself, negotiating and strengthening his own candidacy, which received the formal support of the executive committee of the Republican Party of Minas Gerais in the July 30th; Washington Luís tried to convince the presidents of Rio Grande do Sul and Minas Gerais to give up on this initiative, stating, in a letter addressed to the latter, that 17 states supported the official candidacy. However, there was no agreement. The situationist convention, meeting on September 12, 1929, nominated Júlio Prestes-Vital Soares for the election in March of the following year. Eight days later, the Liberal Alliance ratified the candidacies of Getúlio Vargas and João Pessoa, president of Paraíba, also announcing a program based on the adoption of secret voting, organization of the Electoral Justice, guarantee of independence of the Judiciary, enactment of amnesty and reform in the administrative and educational systems of the Union; Shortly afterwards, Vargas sent Senator Firmino Paim Filho to dialogue on his behalf with Washington Luís and Júlio Prestes. These consultations resulted in an agreement, formalized in December, guaranteeing Vargas' respect for the electoral results and, in the event of the Liberal Alliance's defeat, his support for the government of Júlio Prestes. In exchange, Washington Luís and his candidate undertook not to help the state opposition in Rio Grande do Sul and to recognize the mandates of the deputies who were elected by that state to the Chamber of Deputies; Although fulfilling his part of the agreement with the gauchos, Washington Luís, on the other hand, created administrative and political difficulties for the governments of Minas Gerais and Paraíba, ordering the execution of the debts of these states with Banco do Brasil, embargoing the loan request made for Minas to the Schroeder bankers and initiating a process of transferring federal employees in order to favor the situationist forces. He also committed himself to supporting the Conservative Concentration, a PRM dissidence led by Melo Viana and favorable to the candidacy of Júlio Prestes; The violent international economic crisis that began in 1929 contributed to make the electoral campaign more tense. Washington Luís decided to maintain a fixed exchange rate for the Brazilian currency, making the export sector's income follow the violent drop in coffee prices. The formation of unsaleable stocks and the fact that the federal government had refused to lend one hundred thousand contos to the Instituto Paulista de Defesa do Café provoked the dissatisfaction of the large producers, who in December 1929 met at a congress and released a statement stating: “The motto is farming, today with the government. If we are not attended to, tomorrow will be farming without the government. And then, the farming against the government”; In February 1930, two episodes contributed to heighten tensions in the electoral campaign. The leader of the Conservative Concentration, Manuel Tomás de Carvalho Brito, requested federal intervention in Minas Gerais after a serious conflict occurred in Montes Claros between situationists and alliances, and obtained an increase in federal personnel stationed in the state. At the same time, an autonomist revolt led by José Pereira broke out in Princesa, today Princesa Isabel, and Washington Luís was accused of helping the rebels with the aim of weakening the government of João Pessoa, which began to receive material support from Rio Grande do Sul; In the elections of March 1, 1930, Júlio Prestes obtained about one million votes against about eight hundred thousand given to Getúlio Vargas. This result provoked different reactions within the Liberal Alliance. While Antônio Augusto Borges de Medeiros and others considered the situationist victory legitimate, some sectors of the opposition, supported by officials linked to the tenentista movement, denounced the fraud and violence present throughout the electoral process and proposed the preparation of a revolutionary movement. Even without achieving unanimity in the opposition bloc, the most radical sector began preparations for the uprising at the end of March; The accusation that Washington Luís supported the Paraíba rebels and the suspicion that he was preparing a federal intervention in Paraíba contributed to maintaining the climate of tension, which worsened in May and June, when the Commission for Verification of Powers of the National Congress refused to issue a certificate. the alliance deputies elected in Minas and Paraíba and recognized in their place the candidates of the Conservative Concentration and the representatives of the so-called Território de Princesa. On July 26, João Pessoa was assassinated in Recife. Although this fact was linked to the political struggle in Paraíba, the responsibility was attributed to the federal government, and the burial, held in Rio de Janeiro, mobilized a huge crowd and led to the strengthening of the revolutionary current. In the following two months, the conspiracy gained new adherents and the preparatory phase of the revolution was completed; The movement was launched in Rio Grande do Sul at 5:30 pm on October 3, defeating legalist resistance in the state in less than 24 hours. On the 4th, when the federal government was starting to react, the movement started in Minas Gerais and Paraíba, where it also won important victories. Washington Luís sent telegrams to the presidents of other states asking them to remain on the side of legality and combat rumors by assuring that the armed forces were absolutely faithful to the government. Shortly afterwards, the Executive obtained authorization from Congress to declare a state of siege in the Federal District, the state of Rio, Minas Gerais, Paraíba and Rio Grande do Sul, which could also be extended to other states if the situation worsened. After carrying out a credit operation with Banco do Brasil in the amount of one hundred thousand contos, the government sought to avoid the population's rush to the banks, decreeing, on October 6, a national holiday until the 21st, a period then extended until the end of the year; However, Washington Luís always remained adamant in defending his authority and never admitted the possibility of the revolutionaries' victory, basing himself on the optimistic information he received from his Minister of War, General Nestor Sezefredo dos Passos. Around the 20th, the only significant loyalist stronghold outside the Federal District was the state of São Paulo, which concentrated its troops in Itararé, next to the border with Paraná, to stop the advance of the southern revolutionaries. The clash of these forces, scheduled for the 25th, did not occur because, the day before, a radio broadcast reported that a military coup against the government was underway in the Federal District; Despite being informed by several sources, including Cardinal Sebastião Leme, Washington Luís was surprised by the conspiracy, which involved high-ranking officials stationed in the Federal District, such as generals Augusto Tasso Fragoso (the most senior officer in the Army), João de Deus Mena Barreto (inspector of the 1st Group of Military Regions), José Fernandes Leite de Castro (commander of the Coastal Artillery Division), Firmino Antônio Borba (second Deputy Chief of Staff of the Army) and Pantaleão Teles Ferreira, as well as Colonel Bertoldo Klinger and others; The surprise occurred because Washington Luís did not believe the information received. In his book The truth about the October Revolution, Barbosa Lima Sobrinho attributes this attitude to the character of the president, who describes it as follows: “A loyal man, incapable of subterfuge and malice, he has a primary psychological sense. He doesn't realize the complexity of souls, the secrets and subtlety of cunning. For him, the world is divided into two simple categories, the bad men, from whom he distances himself and fights relentlessly, and the good men, the one who reserves all the prizes. In the division of classes, he yields to hasty and elementary conclusions, which he does not usually review except in the face of accomplished facts and, as a rule, irremediable”; On the morning of the 24th of October, even after the fortifications of the Federal District began to give salvos of fire and a squadron flew over the city throwing leaflets to announce its downfall to the population, Washington Luís refused to resign and leave the Guanabara Palace, official residence of the head of government. He remained adamant in this position despite threats that the palace would be bombed at 11 am. By that time, the city was already in shock and groups of people were starting to deprecate the offices of government newspapers. Later, generals Tasso Fragoso, Mena Barreto and Alfredo Malan d'Angrogne entered the palace and went to the room where the highest government officials and some other personalities were gathered. Washington Luís waived the guarantees offered, reaffirming its willingness to remain in place at any cost; At 5:00 pm, with the mediation of Cardinal Leme, he finally consented to withdraw, stressing, however, his status as a prisoner, since he had not resigned. He hugged each one of those beside him and was transported to the Copacabana fort. His ministers were also arrested. When the news broke, there were spontaneous celebrations in the streets of most cities across the country; During his long exile, lived in Europe and the United States, the former president did not exercise any political activity. In an interview published on November 6, 1931 by the newspaper Correio da Manhã, from Rio de Janeiro, he contested the speech given days before by Getúlio Vargas in celebration of the first anniversary of the revolution. On the occasion, he defended his government's financial policy and denied having left any deficit for the budgetary years of 1927, 1928 and 1929. Still in 1931, living in France, he refused to accept the summons of the Board of Sanctions, an organ of justice revolutionary, whose legitimacy it refused to recognize, charged with judging “acts contrary to the constitutional life of the country”; Washington Luís remained abroad until 1947. On September 18 of that year, in a context still marked by the re-democratization that followed the end of the Estado Novo (10/29/1945), he was received at Praça Mauá, in the port area of Rio de Janeiro, by parliamentary and professional commissions, and a crowd that occupied the entire Avenida Rio Branco. After listening to a greeting speech given by deputy and general Euclides Figueiredo, he headed for the Palace Hotel, where he was once again honored by Otávio Mangabeira, among others. In thanking him, he praised the political, social and economic regime of the United States, where he had lived, and the Brazilian effort for redemocratization; If i use him its not gonna be the last one of the regime like otl

Altino Arantes - Yes. - Finishing his preparatory studies at Colégio São Luís, in Itu, at the age of 16 he entered the Faculty of Law of São Paulo and there participated in Bucha, a secret society that prospered in that academy and played an important role in the São Paulo policy. Graduating in 1895, he opened a law firm in Batatais; He was elected federal deputy for the Paulista Republican Party for the 1906-1908 and 1909-1911 legislatures. In the Chamber of Deputies, his main speeches dealt with the appreciation of coffee, the Caixa de Conversão and the expulsion of foreigners. He also opposed the suppression of the Brazilian diplomatic representation in the Vatican. In 1911, he resigned from office to take over the Interior Affairs Secretariat of São Paulo, in the government of Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins (1908-1912). He remained in office during the São Paulo presidency of Rodrigues Alves (1912-1916), during which time he was also interim secretary of Finance and Agriculture. During his administration, he was especially concerned with primary education, particularly in rural areas of the state, and with public hygiene. He was also one of the main supporters of the creation of the Faculty of Medicine of São Paulo, in 1912. In 1914, he assumed the presidency of the National Defense League, a civic entity that defended compulsory military service; Member of the steering committee of the PRP, in the succession of Rodrigues Alves, he was nominated candidate for vice president of the state on the list headed by João Álvares Rubião Júnior. With his death during the campaign, he replaced him as candidate for president, thanks to the decisive support of Rodrigues Alves. This choice, however, contradicted a wing of the party led by Júlio de Mesquita, who opened a dissent during the November 1915 convention, in which his candidacy was ratifie; Elected president of São Paulo in March and sworn in in May 1916, he governed the state until 1920, having thus faced the difficult period of workers' strikes from 1917 to 1919, against which he acted with severe repressive measures. During his administration, he always defended São Paulo's interests with the Union government, protesting when the Federal Treasury created a new tax that disproportionately fell on São Paulo's industry. In effect, the federal government increased its collection in São Paulo, whose share in the total tax revenue rose from 1/3 to 50%. On the other hand, he obtained loans from the federal government in order to buy the surplus coffee crop, in order to avoid the drop in the price of the product. He also signed an agreement with the president of Paraná for an amicable solution to the question of pending boundaries between the two states; In March 1918, Rodrigues Alves was elected for the second time President. With the worsening of his health, however, he was unable to take office on November 15, being replaced by Vice President Delfim Moreira. With his death in January 1919, new elections were called. Altino Arantes was one of the names remembered for the presidential succession, but his candidacy, forwarded by the PRP, was vetoed by the Republican Party of Minas Gerais (PRM). To preserve the São Paulo-Minas alliance, Epitácio Pessoa was chosen as candidate; After leaving the São Paulo government in 1920, handing it over to Washington Luís, Altino Arantes returned to the Chamber of Deputies in 1921, renewing his mandate until 1930. However, he remained linked to the politics of his state. In 1924, he opposed Washington Luís' nomination of Carlos de Campos as his successor in the presidency of São Paulo, while at the same time protesting the PRP's nomination of Lacerda Franco's name to the Federal Senate. By virtue of this position, he led the formation of a dissident wing of the PRP, known as “coligados”, to run in elections against the official ticket.; With the capture of the state capital by the Tenente revolt in July 1924, which led to the abandonment of the city by President Carlos de Campos, supported Mayor Firmiano Pinto's initiative to stop direct understandings with the revolutionaries in order to avoid prolong the disorder in the city. Still during the government of Carlos de Campos, he was the first president of the Bank of the State of São Paulo; In 1930, he headed the Commission for the Recognition of Powers that examined the results of the March elections, having approved the mass non-recognition (or “beheading”) of candidates elected by the Liberal Alliance in Paraíba and Minas Gerais. His performance in this episode earned him a strong opposition campaign driven by Diário Nacional, an organ of the Democratic Party of São Paulo. With the victory of the October Revolution of 1930, and the dissolution of the country's legislative bodies, he lost his mandate.; With the deepening of the conflict between the federal government and the political forces of São Paulo, the PRP and the PD allied themselves, giving rise to the Frente Única Paulista. On February 16, the FUP released a manifesto proclaiming the union of São Paulo parties in the fight for the prompt re-constitutionalization of the country and for the restitution to São Paulo of the autonomy it had been deprived of since the revolution. Altino Arantes also signed this manifesto and, when the evolution of the crisis resulted in the outbreak of the Revolution of 1932, he actively participated in the movement. He collaborated with Colonel Euclides Figueiredo in preparing the armed struggle plan, and during the conflagration he spoke on Rádio Bandeirantes, condemning the federal government and supporting the struggle of the people of São Paulo. When victory by arms proved impossible, he adhered to Raul Pilla and Borges de Medeiros' armistice proposal. With the defeat of the Constitutionalist Revolution, he went into exile in Lisbon; Back in Brazil in 1934, he assumed the presidency of the PRP and the following year he even ran for indirect elections for the government of São Paulo, being however defeated by Armando de Sales Oliveira, who since 1933 had been governing the state as a federal intervenor. In 1938, already under the Estado Novo, he held the position of vice-president of the Brazilian delegation to the VIII International American Conference, held in Lima, as plenipotentiary minister. After the fall of the Estado Novo, he was elected in December 1945 deputy for São Paulo to the National Constituent Assembly in the Republican Party caption. He participated in the works that resulted in the promulgation of the new Constitution (9/18/1946) and, in the ordinary legislature that followed, he was a member of the Constitution and Justice Commission and opposed the annulment of the mandates of communist parliamentarians; Could be used between the early 1920s to the late years of the regime, probably as Bernardes' Paulista sucessor

Venceslau Brás - Yes. - Elected state deputy in 1892, he remained in the Chamber of Minas Gerais until 1898, when he took over the Interior Secretariat of the government headed by Silviano Brandão, which lasted until 1902. He then won the mandate of federal deputy for the legislature that began in 1903, becoming leader from the Minas Gerais bench and, shortly after, from the majority in Congress. Reelected, he remained in the Chamber of Deputies until 1908. On April 3, 1909, he took over the government of his state, replacing Vice President Júlio Bueno Brandão, who in turn replaced João Pinheiro da Silva, who died on October 25, 1908. He was in office when, in March 1910, he was elected Vice-President of the Republic on the ticket headed by Marshal Hermes da Fonseca. In September of the same year, he transferred the government of Minas Gerais to Júlio Bueno Brandão, who assumed the state presidency for the second time, now elected for the four-year period 1910-1914; With the problem of the succession of Hermes da Fonseca in 1913 raised, Senator José Pinheiro Machado from Rio Grande do Sul began articulations around his own candidacy. A politician endowed with great prestige and influence, a friend of the president, Pinheiro Machado was considered by a good part of the state governments and by the majority of Congress the most suitable name to assume the leadership of the federal government. However, the presidents of Minas Gerais and São Paulo, mindful of their states' power of influence, signed the Ouro Fino Pact, providing for mutual consultation to choose a common candidate. At the same time that opposition to Pinheiro Machado was growing stronger, Bahia launched the name of Rui Barbosa. The attempt to bring together these two postulants did not work out, causing an impasse that created conditions for the launch of Venceslau Brás by the governments of Minas Gerais and São Paulo. Pinheiro Machado ended up supporting the candidate from Minas Gerais, who defeated Rui Barbosa in the March 1914 elections, with Urbano Santos, president of Maranhão, as his running mate; Venceslau Brás took over the federal government on November 15, 1914, shortly after the outbreak of World War I. Right at the beginning of his mandate, he was faced with a serious political impasse in the state of Rio de Janeiro, where two candidates considered themselves elected president of the state by the Legislative Assembly. Feliciano Sodré, Pinheiro Machado's coreligionist, had the express support of the majority of deputies, but the minority, who held control of the table, obtained, through habeas corpus, the recognition of the Federal Supreme Court for the election of Nilo Peçanha. Dissatisfied with this decision, the majority requested federal intervention, but Venceslau Brás opted for compliance with the court decision, thus going against the position of Pinheiro Machado, who went on to oppose the federal government until he died in 1915. Venceslau began to fully exercise the political leadership of the country, immediately resolving the dispute over the leadership of the government of Mato Grosso. In 1916, he promoted the solution of the border issue between Paraná and Santa Catarina in the Contestado region, where, after successive military expeditions, the Army managed to crush a popular revolt of a messianic nature that had lasted since 1912; Despite the neutrality adopted by the government of Venceslau Brás in the first years of the world conflict, the Brazilian economy suffered the repercussions of the international financial crisis and had its capacity to import reduced, which caused an increase in the production of the national industry to replace imports. The government then adopted a series of measures, such as issuing Treasury bills, reducing public expenditure, encouraging the setting up of steel mills and the exploitation of coal deposits, and the construction of professional schools to train specialized workers. Aiming to combat the high prices caused by speculation, it also created the Commissariat for Food, in charge of setting prices for basic necessities, inspecting warehouses, establishing points of sale, fixing freight prices, etc.; The government of Venceslau Brás also multiplied the war shots, aimed at training reservists for the Army, and equipped the Navy Arsenal, in Rio, with new facilities. He encouraged the adoption of public tenders in the civil administration and, on January 1, 1917, enacted the new Civil Code. In the following October, he obtained approval from Congress for the declaration of war on Germany due to the torpedoing of some Brazilian ships by submarines from that country. Shortly afterwards, Brazil sent an expeditionary force to Europe commanded by Admiral Pedro Max de Frontin to help patrol the North Atlantic; In his last year of government, Venceslau Brás promoted the fight against the Spanish flu epidemic. He supported the victorious candidacy of Rodrigues Alves for the presidency and, with his inauguration on November 15, 1918, temporarily withdrew from public life, settling in Itajubá; During the São Paulo revolt of July 1924, General Isidoro Dias Lopes, commander of the rebel contingents, proposed his name to compose a provisional board formed by “national names of recognized probity and confidence of the revolutionaries”, who would replace President Artur Bernardes. This proposal was not considered by the government, which managed to expel the rebels from the capital of São Paulo after three weeks of fighting, resuming control of the situation; After successive meetings, most of the situationist leaders in Minas Gerais agreed to support the name of Olegário Maciel, causing a split led by Melo Viana, who maintained his own candidacy and, at the national level, started to support the candidacy of Júlio Prestes through movement called Conservative Concentration; The perremists led by Artur Bernardes, who had not joined the new organization, met in Belo Horizonte on August 13, 1931 and tried to depose Olegário Maciel, who was increasingly strengthening his relations with the Legião Mineira. With the failure of this attempt, the state political situation and the relationship between the Minas Gerais and federal governments became even more tense. The need to promote peace led to negotiations between the Legion and the PRM with the aim of forming a single party that would serve as a support base for Maciel and Vargas. Venceslau Brás played an important role in articulating the so-called “Mineiro Agreement”, signed in February 1932, which resulted in the founding of the Social Nationalist Party, of whose steering committee he was a member; In 1943, Venceslau Brás, claiming his withdrawal from public life, refused to sign the Manifesto dos mineiros, one of the first manifestations of the political elites in opposition to the dictatorial regime, which would be overthrown in October 1945. Venceslau Brás was once again considered to run for governor of Minas Gerais with the support of the new President of the Republic, Eurico Dutra, in an attempt to reconcile the Republican Party with the wings of the Social Democratic Party led by Melo Viana and José Francisco Strong Bias. However, the latter was victorious at the PSD convention, which led to Venceslau Brás and Melo Viana starting to support the candidacy of Milton Campos, from the National Democratic Union, after all victorious in the January 1947 election. then, Venceslau Brás withdrew definitively from public life; Very interesting and respected fella, may use him

Fernando de Melo Viana - Yes. - After completing his first studies in Sabará, he studied at Colégio Caraça and at the day school at Ginásio Mineiro in Ouro Preto. He then attended the Ouro Preto Law School, graduating in December 1900 in Belo Horizonte, where the state capital had been transferred (1897). Appointed district attorney of Mar de Espanha in 1901, he remained in office until 1903, when he was elected state deputy. For health reasons, he resigned from office in 1905 and began to practice law in Sete Lagoas. From 1909, he was a judge in the mining towns of Conceição do Serro (currently Conceição do Mato Dentro), Santa Luzia do Carangola (currently Carangola), Uberaba and Pará de Minas; Invited by Artur Bernardes, who assumed the presidency of Minas Gerais in 1918, became deputy attorney general of the state and later state attorney general. In 1922, when Bernardes was elected President of the Republic and transferred the Minas government to Raul Soares, he took over the Interior Secretariat. With the death of Raul Soares in August 1924, in October he was chosen to complete his period of government, which would extend until September 7, 1926. He received the government from the hands of the vice-president of the state, Olegário Maciel, on December 1924, and during his tenure he made several improvements. He became popular inside and outside Minas, especially for having defended amnesty for the rebels of 1922 and 1924; In the succession of Artur Bernardes, in 1926, with the support of the rebels and some state situations, his name was considered to run for president of the Republic for the Republican Party of Minas Gerais (PRM). However, obeying the current agreement according to which Minas and São Paulo should alternate in power, Artur Bernardes nominated Washington Luís, from the Paulista Republican Party, as the official candidate. Melo Viana then accepted to run for vice-presidency, aiming to avoid a split in the situationist bloc. Both were elected in March 1926 for a term that would last until November 15, 1930; In 1929, the Liberal Alliance, an opposition movement to the situationist candidacy of Júlio Prestes for the presidency of the Republic in the elections scheduled for March 1, 1930. On that same date, elections for the Chamber of Deputies and for the presidency of Minas would be held. At first, Melo Viana followed the position of his party, which, along with the Rio-Grandense Republican Party, formed the core of the Liberal Alliance. On the other hand, intending to resume the state government and having good political standing for that, he tried to ensure the launch of his candidacy by the PRM. In fact, his solidarity with the Liberal Alliance was conditional on this nomination. If it did not materialize, he would support the Washington Luís candidate, from whom he hoped to gain support to become president of his state. In July, Melo Viana was present at the meeting of the PRM executive committee in which the candidacies of Getúlio Vargas for the presidency of the Republic and João Pessoa for the vice-presidency were launched. In September, he attended the arrival of President Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada in Rio, where he would preside over the Alliance Liberal convention. At the same time, however, he was present at the arrival of Júlio Prestes in Rio; In October, Melo Viana went to Belo Horizonte to participate in the meeting of the PRM executive committee that would appoint Antônio Carlos' successor. After the failure of the first meetings, Antônio Carlos met with Artur Bernardes, Venceslau Brás and Melo Viana, proposing the candidacy of the president of the state Senate, Olegário Maciel, which he considered acceptable to the three. The first two actually accepted it, but Melo Viana refused, stating that he would only give up his candidacy in favor of Venceslau or Bernardes. However, the candidacies of these two politicians were unfeasible, as they were leaders of hostile currents within the party. Finally, the plenary meeting of the executive commission of the PRM indicated the names of Olegário Maciel and Pedro Marques de Almeida, president of the state chamber, for the presidency and vice-presidency of the state; Melo Viana then broke with the PRM, taking with him Alfredo Sá, vice president of the state, eight state deputies and a senator. The Mine Safety Secretary also asked for his resignation. After launching the candidacy of Melo Viana in opposition to that of Olegário Maciel, the dissidents began to support Júlio Prestes at the federal level. In this way, they joined the Conservative Concentration, a movement in charge of Júlio Prestes' campaign in Minas, which was also in charge of Melo Viana's campaign, supported by Washington Luís; In February, the Conservative Concentration sought to attract mineiro businessmen, promising them a transport plan and infrastructure works. It was also proposed to promote industrial and agricultural congresses in the interior of the state, one of them dedicated to cotton, in Montes Claros, and another to the steel industry, in Itabira. On February 6, a caravan led by Melo Viana and Manuel Tomás de Carvalho Brito, head of the Conservative Concentration, headed for Montes Claros. A large number of workers were taken to the site, where agricultural machinery and advertising material were also transported. An incident provoked by the explosion of fireworks started a fierce firefight between supporters of the Conservative Concentration and local alliances, causing casualties on both sides and ending the meeting; Carvalho Brito then telegraphed Washington Luís and the Minister of Justice informing them that his entourage had been attacked and Melo Viana wounded. In addition, according to the alliancists, he gave orders that telegraphic communications were intercepted, with only communications that had his approval being transmitted. In this way, the military delegate from Montes Claros was prevented from contacting the state government, and Carvalho Brito, through the telegraph kept at his disposal, began to ask for intervention in Minas Gerais. Washington Luís was then able to increase the number of federal forces in the state; Despite attempts by the Conservative Concentration to incriminate the state government, the police investigation then installed proved that the president of Minas Gerais had not participated in the events. At the same time, the steel conference in Itabira was cancelled. Also during the month of February, Carvalho Brito and Melo Viana were accused by the alliance members of neutralizing their political propaganda through the control they maintained over the post office and telegraph office, the railroads, tax collection offices and educational establishments. They were also accused of violating and withholding correspondence and electoral material to be distributed by the alliance members, while the Conservative Concentration sent their ballots and books in envelopes from the post office director's office, with a “Postal Service” signet, free of charge. As the alliancists' complaints to the federal government were of no avail, the government of Minas Gerais proposed to organize a radiotelegraph service network, setting up stations in the various zones of the state; The irregularities attributed to the Conservação Conservadora in the elections of March 1930 were typical of the behavior of the oligarchies in the First Republic: appointment of all poll workers in some municipalities among their supporters, composition of the counting board in their benefit and adulteration of electoral books. The investigations, instead of being supervised, according to tradition, by the state police, were monitored by the federal forces. The presence of federal troops in the capital of Minas Gerais gave rise to new conflicts between alliances and supporters of the governing party; Once the counts were over – referring only to the votes for the state presidency – Melo Viana was defeated by Olegário Maciel. After the legal deadline, the counting board sent the electoral books to the Chamber of Deputies without having verified the result of the election for the federal Legislative. In this way, Washington Luís removed the Minas Gerais bench from the preliminary work of the legislative session, since there was no qualified candidate. Soon after, the Commission for Verification of Powers of the National Congress, in charge of giving an opinion on state elections, decided to recognize the victory, in the various districts into which the state of Minas was divided, of elements faithful to the Conservative Concentration, "beheading", to make room for them, 14 federal deputies linked to the Liberal Alliance; A bit of a stubborn opportunist guy, maybe i can do something with him

Pandiá Calógeras - Yes. - In 1891 he married Elisa da Silva Guimarães, daughter of Joaquim Caetano da Silva Guimarães, minister of the Federal Supreme Court, and niece of the writer Bernardo Guimarães. Also in 1891, he was appointed engineer for the state of Minas Gerais and began a lasting scientific collaboration with publications in Rio de Janeiro. In 1894, he assumed the position of technical consultant to the Secretary of Agriculture, Commerce and Public Works of Minas Gerais, Francisco Sá; Elected federal deputy in the Minas Republican Party for the 1897-1899 legislature, he soon stood out in the Chamber for his knowledge of national problems, especially those related to engineering and mining. He defended the reduction of customs tariffs, spoke out on the issue of borders with French Guiana and was opposed to the transfer of the Escola de Minas to Barbacena. Having stood against the President of the Republic, Prudente de Morais, in the split of the Federal Republican Party, he was unable to be re-elected to the Chamber in the 1900 election because he lacked the support of the oligarchic groups that, at the time, controlled the elections in the country; After working for some time mining manganese and taking a trip to Europe, Calogeras returned to the country and, in 1903, published As minas do Brasil e sua Legislação, a work that earned him national recognition. In the book, he defended the thesis that he later presented in the Chamber and was transformed into the Calogeras Law: he proposed that a distinction be established between ownership of the soil and that of the subsoil, assuring the government the right to expropriate the subsoil in order to exploit it. He returned to the Chamber in 1903, elected by the district of Ouro Preto in the PRM party, and in a short time he acquired the reputation of being one of the most expressive figures in Congress. Successively re-elected in 1906, 1909 and 1912, he remained in Parliament until 1914, participating prominently in the debate of all the main national questions of the time; He spoke about the valorization of coffee, the conversion box, the tax reform, the transport policy, the consolidation of borders, the generalization of public education at the primary level and, naturally, mining. At the invitation of the Baron of Rio Branco, he joined the Brazilian delegation to the III Pan-American Conference, held in Rio de Janeiro in 1906. He intervened in the question of the condominium of Lagoa Mirim, on the border between Brazil and Uruguay, and free navigation on the Jaguarão River. In 1908, he gave a speech in the House on military re-equipment. He participated in the IV Pan-American Conference, held in Buenos Aires (1910), and during this period he converted to Catholicism, manifesting himself in parliamentary debates against divorce and in favor of the installation of a permanent diplomatic representation at the Vatican; In his last term, he strongly opposed the government of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, and collaborated with the magazine Defesa Nacional, directed by the group of “young Turks”, officers who had trained in the German Army and intended to modernize the Brazilian armed forces. They were known as such in reference to the nationalist movement that was active in the modernization process in Turkey at the same time; Upon assuming the federal government (15/11/1914), Venceslau Brás accepted the suggestion of military members linked to the “young Turks” and appointed Calogeras to the portfolio of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce. During his tenure, which lasted only until July of the following year, the new head promoted the reorganization of all departments of the ministry, established the bases for agricultural credit, applied the law of his authorship to regulate the ownership of mines and studied the use of alcohol as a substitute for gasoline, due to supply problems caused by the First World War. He also issued decrees reorganizing the veterinary and agricultural defense inspection services; In June 1915, he temporarily replaced the Minister of Finance, Sabino Alves Barroso Júnior, who was unable to do so due to illness. After accumulating the two portfolios for a month, he was hired at the Ministry of Finance, where he found a precarious situation, marked by a lack of income to cover the most urgent needs, a large floating debt, the customs collection reduced to 1/3, the suspension from tax collection until some protests and complaints were resolved, the paralysis of maritime transport and the existence of a second funding loan (consolidation of Brazilian loans with British creditors); In addition to these problems, Calogeras faced administrative negligence and corruption, which led to attacks published in the press by the beneficiaries of this state of affairs. Overcoming obstacles, the new minister regularized the floating debt, reorganized the Mint and assumed full responsibility for funding, promoting an agreement with foreign creditors that prevented his control over Brazilian customs. Upon leaving the portfolio, in September 1917, he received a document from the House of Rothschild attesting that never before had Brazilian finances been so flourishing; With the end of the First World War, the Peace Conference was held in Versailles. Calogeras was part of the Brazilian delegation to the congress, chaired by Senator Epitácio Pessoa. However, Epitácio was elected President of the Republic to complete Rodrigues Alves' four-year term, and returned to Brazil. Calogeras took over the leadership of the delegation and, after the conclusion of the Congress of Versailles, he remained in Europe for some time, representing Brazil in some international meetings and heading the commercial mission that was in England in 1919; Returning to Brazil, Calogeras did not resume his parliamentary mandate because he was appointed Minister of War in the government of Epitácio Pessoa, becoming the only civilian to hold this position in the republican history of the country. His choice was approved by a large number of Army officers, who had already paid tribute to him during his work in other ministries. He had also favorably echoed a speech he had delivered in the House the previous year on the status of the armed forces; During his administration, which began in October 1919, the Brazilian Army experienced intense modernization, expansion and improvement in all sectors. From 1920 onwards, Calogeras relied on the advice of the French Military Mission headed by General Maurice Gustave Gamelin, who had a profound influence on the reorganization of the Army and on the training of general staff officers; Calogeras promoted the reform of the instruction of cadres and troops, making it more technical with the creation of schools for each specialty, among them the School for the Improvement of Officers. In addition, it issued new regulations for the General Staff, Aviation, Veterinary schools and military schools. He also instituted mandatory physical instruction for all weapons. He also changed the military territorial division and the organization of the Army's divisions, reorganizing the Coastal Artillery and creating the General Directorate of War Intendance. He made large purchases of modern war material for the various weapons and services, increasing the national military industry, especially the factories installed in Realengo, in Rio de Janeiro, and in Piquete. He built 103 military establishments spread across the country, taking special care with the basic service facilities in the barracks. In the aviation sector, he set up new squadrons, including fighter planes; Directly influenced by the French Mission, the Disciplinary Regulations of the Army (RDE) and the Internal Regulations for General Services (RISG) appeared in 1920. Also dating from this time was the formulation of the first national defense policy covering all aspects of the country's life, from military preparation itself to the development of strategic industries, such as steel. It was the unfolding of this conception that led to the creation, in 1927, of the National Defense Council. Still in 1920, the federal government acquired the Quitaúna farm, where Calogeras built a headquarters that served as support for the expansion of the military force stationed in the state of São Paulo; At the end of his term at the head of the Ministry of War, the uprising of July 5, 1922 took place, inaugurating the cycle of lieutenant movements that marked the decade. Pandiá Calogeras participated directly in the events leading up to the revolt, as well as in the repression of the uprising. It was he who, at the request of President Epitácio Pessoa, sent on July 1st a notice of reprimand to Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, president of the Military Club, for his statements against the participation of federal troops in the conflict between Pernambuco political forces over the result state elections held there. The controversy then established between the marshal and the government led to his arrest and the closing of the Military Club on July 2, which revolted a considerable portion of military youth. Informed of the preparations for a revolt at the Copacabana Fort, Calogeras sent Captain José da Silva Barbosa, accompanied by General Bonifácio Costa, to replace Euclides Hermes da Fonseca (son of Hermes da Fonseca) in command of that corporation. The arrest of these loyalist officers by the Copacabana garrison set the beginning of the uprising, which also involved the Military School and some troops from Vila Militar, in Rio de Janeiro, in addition to the contingent stationed in Mato Grosso; On all these fronts, the revolt was quickly quelled. Hoping to obtain the support of the Vila Militar officers, the students of the Military School, led by Colonel João Maria Xavier de Brito Júnior, began their march on the city. Shot down by the garrison, they retreated to Realengo, where they surrendered. As a result, more than five hundred students were expelled from the school. Also in Mato Grosso, the rebellion was soon subdued, with the deployment of troops from the São Paulo Public Force, who obtained the surrender of the rebels; In Fort Copacabana, the revolt began in an atmosphere of disillusionment, caused by the certainty that they could not count on the support of their fellow conspirators. Despite this, the rebels hit the Ministry of War building with cannon fire, which alarmed the authorities and led to the transfer of the legalist headquarters to the garrison of the Fire Department located on the other side of the border square, Campo de Santana. On July 6, the fort was surrounded and Pandiá Calogeras began threatening its occupants with an attack by land and sea if they did not surrender. Faced with the situation, Captain Euclides Hermes released his soldiers and officers to choose, with only 28 volunteers willing to fight remaining in the barracks. Shortly afterwards, Euclides Hermes was arrested as he left the fort to parley with Calogeras; Under the command of Lieutenant Antônio Siqueira Campos, the rebels then decided to abandon the barracks and continue the fight by marching along Avenida Atlântica against the loyalist forces, triggering the episode known as Os 18 do Forte, the last skirmish of the 1922 revolt, which resulted in death of several rebels and injuries to the rest; With the end of Epitácio Pessoa's mandate (11/15/1922), Calogeras left the ministry and moved away from politics for disagreeing with the election of Artur Bernardes to the presidency of the Republic. Between 1923 and 1929, he presided over the National Company of Copper Artefacts (Conac), also developing great intellectual activity as a journalist, lecturer and writer. During this period, he published The Foreign Policy of the Empire, in three volumes, considered his most important work as a historian, and, in 1930, Historical Formation of Brazil. In 1928, he was elected president of the Brazilian Society of Engineering; During the presidential elections of March 1930, he supported Getúlio Vargas, candidate of the Liberal Alliance, an inter-party opposition coalition. With the victory of the situationist Júlio Prestes, the opposition forces accelerated the preparations for an armed revolt that, started on October 3, was victorious after 21 days of struggle. Invited, Calogeras refused to participate in the governing board that exercised power until the formation, on November 3, of the provisional government headed by Vargas. In 1931, this government appointed him rapporteur for the project on mining legislation in the legislative commissions then established and a member of the Commission for Financial and Economic Studies of States and Municipalities. In the same year, at the invitation of the government of Minas Gerais, he studied the reform of the tax system in that state; In 1932 he became president of the Catholic Electoral League and expressed sympathies for the Constitutionalist Revolution, which broke out in São Paulo to demand the immediate re-constitutionalization of the country and the return of state autonomy. Even in defeat, the revolution had an influence on calling elections for the National Constituent Assembly in 1933. In this election, running in Minas Gerais as part of the Progressive Party, Calogeras obtained the highest number of votes ever achieved in Brazil for a deputy candidate. Shortly afterwards, his name was included on the list presented by Minas Gerais leaders to Vargas so that he could choose the intervenor who would replace the recently deceased Governor Olegário Maciel as head of the State Executive. The choice of head of the provisional government fell, however, to Benedito Valadares; Very unique fella, may use him as a Brás replacement or a token PM for the military after Fonseca falls

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165

José Maria Wihtaker - Yes. - He studied at the Araújo, Santo Antônio and Minhoto day schools, in his hometown, and then entered the São Paulo Faculty of Law, from which he graduated in social sciences in 1895 and in legal sciences the following year. While still an academic, he actively participated in the political and intellectual debate held within the faculty, collaborating in the writing of the monarchist newspaper Autoridade, which competed with another organ, also produced by the students, of republican tendency; Soon after graduating, he followed the advice of his brother Firmino, a judge in Mojimirim, and opened a law firm in the city of Espírito Santo do Pinhal, today Pinhal, described at the time as “a rich and busy forum”. In 1897 he married Amélia Peres and, shortly afterwards, he began lending to private individuals the surplus income he received from his prosperous professional activity. However, he did not find this experience fruitful, which was quickly interrupted, and he bought one hundred mortgage notes from Banco de Crédito Real in São Paulo. He suffered a loss in the operation, as he was forced to sell the bonds at half price due to the worsening financial situation of the bank, which went bankrupt shortly afterwards; Between 1900 and 1903, he shared his law office with Tomás Pimentel, and in 1903 he founded the firm Whitaker Bonfim e Companhia, dedicated to the commercialization of coffee, in partnership with Constantino Panayetti and Francisco de Azevedo Bomfim. This activity led to its transfer to the port of Santos. There he lived for a year, after which he returned to the capital of São Paulo, without interrupting the development of his business and contacts in that city. In 1910 he was elected director of the Commercial Association of Santos, whose presidency he assumed after the first meeting of the new board. His coffee trading firm then opened an export section in partnership with Erasmo Teixeira de Assunção and Frederico de Barros Brotero, and achieved excellent results in the following years; In 1912, he founded the Commercial Bank of the State of São Paulo, with the participation of Erasmo Teixeira de Assunção and the financial support of Paulo Nogueira de Almeida and Vicente de Almeida Prado. In 1918, he participated in the creation of the Companhia Americana de Seguros – later transferred to an English group –, which resulted in the creation of the São Paulo Companhia Nacional de Seguros de Vida, directed by José Carlos de Macedo Soares for several decades; José Maria Whitaker declined the invitation to become Secretary of Finance for the São Paulo government headed by Washington Luís from May 1920, but in December he accepted the invitation from President Epitácio Pessoa to assume the presidency of Banco do Brasil, then in deficit, with the condition to act with a wide margin of autonomy; During his tenure, he created the Rediscount Portfolio (first step towards founding a central bank for issues), the Check Clearing House and the Agricultural Credit Portfolio, managing to multiply the amount of bank resources by five and significantly increase its participation in the national financial system. On some occasions he opposed the government's economic-financial policy, as in the case of the purchase of coffee stocks to guarantee the product's appreciation. Your opinion – contrary to this policy – was not considered. He also disagreed with the 2% increase in the rate charged by Banco do Brasil's Rediscount Portfolio, determined by Finance Minister Homero Batista, which led to his first request for resignation from the position. Epitácio Pessoa, however, revoked his minister's order and did not allow Whitaker to leave; A new resignation request was presented on December 20, 1922, shortly after Artur Bernardes took office as President of the Republic, in protest against the approval by Congress of a project to reform the Bank of Brazil that had been prepared without his participation. In a letter to Bernardes, he expressed his “individual grief” and his “patriot apprehensions”, for “foreseeing both Banco do Brasil and the gold deposit, the last points of resistance in our financial life, at the same time”. The new government responded by stating that Whitaker had resigned because he had not received authorization to transform Banco do Brasil into a money-issuing bank and send the stock of gold to London to serve as a basis for foreign exchange operations; Upon leaving the bank, Whitaker settled back in São Paulo, where he witnessed the Revolution of 1924 without becoming involved in the conflict. In 1925, he undertook a long trip abroad. He returned in May 1926 and, at the end of that year, was invited by Washington Luís, the new President of the Republic, to take over the direction of Banco do Brasil once more. His disagreements with the financial plan proposed by the government led him, however, to refuse the proposal. This plan, implemented in 1929, was pointed out by many as a factor aggravating the stagnation of the coffee economy; The victory of the 1930 Revolution was followed, in São Paulo, by a period of political uncertainty. General Hastínfilo de Moura, head of the first provisional government in São Paulo formed after the deposition of Washington Luís (24/10/1930), invited Whitaker to be Secretary of Finance, but he was reluctant to accept the “dangerous position”. Faced with the support for his name expressed by Getúlio Vargas himself, leader of the victorious revolution, on October 28 Whitaker decided to assume the post of civilian head of the new government of São Paulo, reorganized with the departure of General Hastínfilo and the appointment of lieutenant leader João Alberto Lins de Barros for the position of military delegate of the revolution. On November 4, Whitaker was appointed Minister of Finance in the provisional government headed by Vargas, and was replaced in the São Paulo administration by Plínio Barreto; Whitaker's appointment to the Treasury portfolio had a positive impact on international financial circles, especially among Rothschild bankers, important creditors of Brazil. His management was marked by the consequences of the violent international economic crisis of 1929, which made the problems of the coffee sector even more serious. With the drop in coffee export prices and the accumulation of unsaleable stocks of the product, the Brazilian economy as a whole was shaken, due to the decrease in its ability to import and meet payments due abroad, the reduction in the pace of all activities, the flattening of the purchasing power of wages, and rising unemployment; In this context, Whitaker, in his own words an “old enemy of all interventions”, was forced to increase the State's participation in the country's economy, helping the coffee sector in crisis through the purchase of 18 million bags of the product. At the time, he stated that “necessity knows no laws: either we will do this – and now – or we will watch the collapse of our entire economy”. This measure aggravated the difficulties faced by the Treasury and forced the use of currency issues - in theory, opposed by the minister -, the increase in taxes on coffee production and consumption, and the ban on planting this product for five years; In February 1931, the Bank of England sent a representative to Brazil to assess the country's economic difficulties and the government's financial program. Its report, published in July of the same year, diagnosed the existence of an “exaggerated reliance on issuing banknotes, costly loans abroad for purposes of dubious economic value and excessive public expenditure, which produced a situation of financial inflation”, and proposed the pursuit of budget balance, currency stabilization and the formation of a central bank for emissions. These suggestions coincided with the theses defended by Whitaker, who, from then on, accelerated the fight against the deficit through cuts in the public budget, the reduction of civil service salaries and the edition of the Code of Interventors, aimed at increasing federal control over spending by states and municipalities; In an attempt to combat the serious disequilibrium of the balance of payments and face the shortage of foreign exchange reserves, Whitaker was repeatedly forced to move away from his liberal economic background. He created the Central Procurement Commission (designed to coordinate and control purchases made by the government), reformulated the treasury accounting system (making it possible to publish monthly balance sheets of Treasury income and expenditure) and authorized Loide Brasileiro and Estrada de Ferro Central do Brasil to buy all the production of the national coal mining companies. It also adopted several measures of a protectionist nature, such as a three-year ban on importing machinery for industries already established in the country, and a determination that every importer should acquire at least 10% of the products he intended to sell on the domestic market. The exchange market remained restricted to the needs of foreign trade and was monopolized by Banco do Brasil, which avoided a sudden drop in rates, but did not prevent the gradual devaluation of the cruzeiro, a factor that stimulated exports and protected domestic industrial production. The state monopoly on foreign exchange was later mitigated through a decree that allowed the official bank to license private financial institutions to purchase foreign currency; England, the United States and France were, in that order, the largest creditors of the Brazilian external debt, which, in the early 1930s, reached 250 million pounds sterling, corresponding to almost twice the federal revenue. To preserve the country's external credit, the provisional government sent all the gold in its possession to Europe, totaling around 7.5 million pounds. He then contracted a new loan of 6.5 million pounds, temporarily meeting internal needs. These measures, however, contradicted the sectors that proposed the suspension of payments abroad, such as the Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo (FIESP) and the large coffee growers, who also demanded the burning of unsaleable stocks purchased by the government. According to Paulo Nogueira Filho, among the members of the Revolutionary Legion, a lieutenant organization that is very active in São Paulo and led by General Miguel Costa, “there were indignant claims against the delay in suppressing payments”, a measure also claimed by Osvaldo Aranha, Minister of Justice; São Paulo coffee growers accused the provisional government of not properly supporting them. His pressures created numerous difficulties for Whitaker's economic austerity plans, which also faced political obstacles to his action. Close to the Democratic Party, the Minister of Finance tried several times to convince Getúlio Vargas of the need to meet, at least partially, the demands of political forces in São Paulo, appointing a São Paulo and civil intervenor to replace Captain João Alberto Lins de Barros. Within the scope of his own ministry, Whitaker also had difficulties with the performance of the Administrative Correction Commission, headed by the revolutionaries Juarez Távora and Ari Parreiras, which carried out an investigation among its staff and removed Pedro Luís Correia e Castro from the presidency of Banco do Brasil, against the will of the minister; In July 1931, Laudo Camargo took over the federal intervention in São Paulo. The following month, Whitaker declared that, “with the aim of alleviating the pressure on the exchange market, the provisional government, after hearing the representatives of its creditors, decided to temporarily suspend the service of amortization of its external debts, except those of the two funding and the 1922 coffee loan”. Negotiations for the third funding loan, consolidation and rescheduling of external debt payments were then initiated, which only came to fruition in March of the following year; Still in August 1931, the crisis between the federal government and the São Paulo coffee growers worsened, demanding greater public assistance, reform of customs tariffs, expansion of credit, review of loan contracts and support for coffee prices in the Santos market. They also criticized the creation of the National Coffee Council, which transferred decisions relating to their businesses to the State, and accused Whitaker and Numa de Oliveira (Secretary of Finance in the São Paulo government) of being committed to the bankers to the detriment of the crop. According to Renato Jardim, the minister raised the customs tariff on jute to “favor the interests of the bag trust, represented by the group of businessmen with whom he had close affinities, including Numa de Oliveira himself, owner of Banco Comércio e Indústria ( of São Paulo), which represented these interests”. Whitaker and Numa de Oliveira were also accused of keeping coffee prices low and applying the decree of September 10, 1930, considered a “monstrous legal aberration”, which transferred ownership of coffee left on consignment by producers to banks. In this way, purchases of stocks were negotiated by the government with financial institutions, considered to be coffee owners; Supported by the ex-intervenor João Alberto, the coffee growers succeeded, in early November 1931, in the removal of Numa de Oliveira, who remained steadfast in his refusal to suspend the collection of his debts with the state bank. Afterwards, Laudo Camargo resigned, considering himself incapable of effectively governing São Paulo. The resignation of the São Paulo Secretary of Finance also weakened the position of Whitaker, who had in him an important assistant in the application of federal economic and financial policy, and provoked his request for resignation. On November 16, 1931, Whitaker was replaced in the ministry by Osvaldo Aranha, who faced the same difficulties in his relationship with the coffee growers; Whitaker returned to São Paulo determined to dedicate himself exclusively to his private interests. According to his own words, he did not intend to participate in the Constitutionalist Revolution that was being articulated by the São Paulo forces against the federal government to obtain the return of the autonomy of the states and the immediate re-constitutionalization of the country. The movement was triggered on July 9, 1932, starting a civil war of large proportions. On the following August 8, Whitaker attended a meeting at the São Paulo Commercial Association and was appointed to assume the position of greater responsibility in the Gold Campaign, which consisted of collecting donations of this metal to finance the fight. In early October, the Paulistas were defeated by forces loyal to Getúlio Vargas, and Colonel Herculano de Carvalho e Silva, commander of the Public Force, temporarily took over the leadership of the state government. Soon afterwards Carvalho e Silva called Whitaker to a meeting, with the aim of discussing the pacification of the state and the return to normality. The ex-minister’s prestige in economic and political circles in São Paulo, the intervention of José Carlos de Macedo Soares in his favor and, according to Whitaker himself, “Vargas’ natural benignity” prevented him from being a victim of the repression that befell him. about the defeated, whose leaders were sent into exile. In any case, Whitaker withdrew into private life for a long period, interrupted only by his participation in the Consultative Council of the State of São Paulo during the intervention of Armando de Sales Oliveira, which began in August 1933; Whitaker remained away from public life during the entire period of the Estado Novo, installed on November 10, 1937. With the overthrow of that regime on October 29, 1945, José Carlos de Macedo Soares was appointed intervenor in São Paulo and invited Whitaker to to assume the prefecture of the capital, but he refused, indicating three names that, in his view, could perform the function. The second on that list, Abraão Ribeiro, was named;In this phase of reorganization of national life, Whitaker wrote a letter to the intervenor in São Paulo, dated November 28, 1945, expressing his opinion on the economic guidelines to be followed by the new government. He proposed the suppression of all institutes or institutions that, in his view, hindered the flow of the country's economy, such as the National Department of Commerce, the Sugar Institute and the Export Portfolio of Banco do Brasil; the end of autarchy and the unification of all public revenue and expenditure in the National Treasury; the transformation of Banco do Brasil into a common deposit establishment, accompanied by the creation of a central bank (which would absorb the Rediscount Portfolio, the Foreign Exchange Portfolio and all relations with the Treasury) and of a real credit bank (which would operate the Agricultural and Industrial Portfolio and the Mobilization Portfolio). In the last days of 1945, José Carlos de Macedo Soares was the bearer of the invitation made by the president-elect, general Eurico Gaspar Dutra, for José Maria Whitaker to assume the leadership of the Ministry of Finance. The latter, however, preferred to apply for the direction of Banco do Brasil. However, the understandings reached with Dutra did not result in his appointment; Whitaker only returned to public life in 1955. At that time, the economic policy implemented by Eugênio Gudin, Minister of Finance in the Café Filho government, encountered resistance from sectors linked to industry, especially those producing capital goods. The governor of São Paulo, Jânio Quadros, then began discussions with the President of the Republic with a view to changing the credit policy. These negotiations also involved political aspects, as Jânio Quadros pledged to support Juarez Távora in the presidential elections of that year, failing to launch his own candidacy, in exchange for the nomination of Otávio Marcondes Ferraz for the Ministry of Transport and Public Works and José Maria Whitaker for the farm folder; Whitaker took office on April 13, 1955 and nominated Alcides Vidigal for the presidency of Banco do Brasil. Intending to ease monetary policy, he immediately revoked the ordinance that obliged banks to leave half of their deposits under the control of the Superintendence of Currency and Credit (Sumoc). This measure led to the dismissal of Sumoc's superintendent, Otávio Gouveia de Bulhões, the last member of the team committed to Eugênio Gudin's program, who still remained in the second echelon of the ministry. Eager to balance the budget by reducing public spending, Whitaker also suspended the government's program to purchase coffee stocks, which sparked protests from coffee growers. On the other hand, it carried out the exchange rate reform project, carried out with the collaboration of Edward Bernstein (representative of the International Monetary Fund) and the assistance of Roberto Campos (superintendent of the National Bank for Economic Development) and Paulo Poock Correia (director of the Bank of Brazil Exchange). The main purpose of the project was the abolition of foreign exchange confiscation, considered “a disastrous taxation for our economy” because it burdened the exported product “at the very moment when it will compete with similar foreign products”. This measure, however, was opposed by all the other ministers, with the exception of Otávio Marcondes Ferraz, being called inopportune by the military ministers due to the approaching presidential succession. Faced with the controversies raised by the exchange rate reform proposal, President Café Filho decided to submit it for approval by Congress, which led Whitaker to resign. On November 10, 1955, he was replaced by Mário Câmara, an employee of the Ministry of Finance; Despite being removed from public life again, Whitaker remained a keen observer of the country's economic and financial situation, as demonstrated by the numerous articles he published in the press. He continued at the head of Banco Comercial do Estado de São Paulo which, from 1964 onwards, sought to expand the volume of its operations through a merger with other financial institutions, finally achieved in July 1972. The new group – which, in addition to banking operations, had control of an oil refinery – it was renamed Banco União Comercial and, two years later, it was incorporated into Banco Itaú Sociedade Anônima, in São Paulo; Interesting guy and a monarchist when young, first choice if i ever need a very free market dude, although he seems to be unpopular with the coffee barons

Pinheiro Machado - Yes. - José Gomes Pinheiro Machado was born in Cruz Alta on May 8, 1851, son of Antônio Gomes Pinheiro Machado and Maria Manuela de Oliveira Aires. His father was a deputy in the General Assembly of the Empire. His brother Ângelo Gomes Pinheiro Machado was a constituent from 1891, federal deputy for São Paulo from 1891 to 1896 and federal deputy for Rio Grande do Sul from 1900 to 1905 and from 1909 to 1910. Another of his brothers, Salvador Pinheiro Machado, received the letter - rank of general in recognition of the military services rendered to the Republic, he was vice-president of Rio Grande do Sul from 1913 to 1918, and as such assumed the presidency of the state between 1915 and 1916, during the removal of Borges de Medeiros due to illness; In 1867, Pinheiro Machado won the title of first cadet in the 4th Cavalry Corps. In 1868, faced with a serious health problem and at his father's insistence, he was discharged from the Army. Although he wanted to follow a military career, he obeyed his father's instructions and started to run the family ranch in São Luís Gonzaga, where he remained until 1872. went to study in São Paulo. After completing the preparatory course, he enrolled in the Faculty of Law in 1874 and joined the radical republican movement, which organized a Republican Club and launched the periodical A Renascença. Since then, he has devoted himself to academic journalism, revealing his tendencies towards politics. On August 5, 1876, while still a student, he married the Paulista Brasiliana Benedita Paula e Silva. After graduating in law in 1878, he returned to São Luís Gonzaga, where he began to practice law; Pinheiro Machado became intensely involved in republican propaganda in Rio Grande do Sul. In 1880 he founded the Clube Republicano de São Luís Gonzaga and in the following years participated in several republican conferences, as well as political excursions organized by republicans that toured the province. He entered politics alongside Joaquim Francisco de Assis Brasil and Júlio de Castilhos, with whom he became a great friend and the most loyal of his supporters; Together with Júlio de Castilhos, Assis Brasil, Venâncio Aires, Ernesto Alves, Álvaro Chaves and others, he participated in the foundation of the PartidoRepublicano Rio-Grandense, in February 1882. The PRR defended the direct election of the heads of the federal and state Executive and municipal; free and public voting; freedom of thought and expression, of assembly and association, and free lay primary education. It also proposed the autonomy of municipalities and states, which should, the latter, be governed by their own constitutions and laws and exempt from Union intervention, except in cases where the federative republican regime was threatened. The official organ of the PRR was the newspaper A Federation, which was created in January 1884 and was decisive for the success of the party. After all, newspapers were the most important vehicles of social communication and political propaganda throughout the 19th century; From 1888 onwards, Pinheiro Machado was a councilor in the City Council of São Luís Gonzaga, where he lived. There it was when, on November 15, 1889, a military coup, led by Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca and supported by a small group of civilian republicans, overthrew the Empire, proclaimed the Republic in Brazil and instituted a provisional government with the Marshal Deodoro himself; Deodoro's constitutional government began under strong political tension, aggravated by the economic crisis. Dissatisfied with the parliamentary opposition, on November 3, the president ordered the closure of the National Congress. Júlio de Castilhos did not initially manifest himself, but on the 12th of November he ended up declaring himself in favor of Deodoro. The next day, his opponents forced him to resign. While Castilhos left power in Rio Grande do Sul, Deodoro's so-called coup aroused reactions throughout the country. The Navy's threat to bomb the city of Rio de Janeiro led Deodoro himself to resign on November 23, just nine months after assuming the presidency. His place was taken by vice president Marshal Floriano Peixoto. As the 1891 Constitution provided for new elections if the presidency was vacant before two years had elapsed since the incumbent took office, new crises arose, resulting from pressure, especially from the Navy, for elections to be held; On June 17, 1892, after a political agreement with Floriano – who wanted to prevent power in Rio Grande do Sul from falling into the hands of Gaspar Silveira Martins –, Júlio de Castilhos, through an armed movement, was restored to the government of Rio Great South. Still according to the agreement, however, he resigned from the position, passing it on to the vice president of the state appointed by him, Vitorino Carneiro Monteiro, who, in turn, should call state elections. Carneiro Monteiro left office in September 1892 to take up a seat in the Chamber of Deputies, and was replaced by the state's second vice-president, Fernando Abott. In the elections that followed, Castilhos was re-elected president of the state of Rio Grande do Sul and on January 26, 1893 he took office. The following month, his opponents launched the Federalist Revolution; With the outbreak of the Federalist Revolution, Pinheiro Machado immediately left the Senate and left for the battlefields, willing to fight alongside Júlio de Castilhos, his friend and political companion. He joined General Francisco Rodrigues Lima's division and played a prominent role among the republican troops. For his performance during the revolution, he received from Marshal Floriano Peixoto, for acts of bravery, the honors of brigadier general; In 1897, internal disagreements led to the dissolution of the Federal Republican Party (PRF), to which President Prudente de Morais (1894-1898) belonged. The party had emerged in 1893, from the merger of regional republican parties, and was led by Francisco Glicério. At the time of the split, Pinheiro Machado, along with his supporters from Rio Grande do Sul, sided with Francisco Glicério and became a member of the opposition to the Prudente de Morais government. Still in 1897, on November 5, during a military ceremony, Prudente de Morais suffered an attack. The president was unharmed, but the then Minister of War, Marshal Carlos Machado Bittencourt, died trying to defend him. In view of this, Prudente de Morais decreed a state of siege in Rio de Janeiro. Accused of complicity in the attack against the President of the Republic, Pinheiro Machado was arrested and taken to the battleship Riachuelo for 33 days; In the presidential elections of 1898, Pinheiro Machado strongly defended the name of Júlio de Castilhos as a candidate to succeed Prudente de Morais. However, this candidacy was not accepted by most incumbent Republicans. Therefore, Pinheiro Machado started to support the candidacy of Lauro Sodré. However, with the support of the federal government, which used pressure and fraud in its favor, Campos Sales, candidate of the Republican Party of São Paulo, was elected; Upon assuming the presidency (1898-1902), Campos Sales sought to win the support of the PRR, always led by Júlio de Castilhos. The new president became a close friend of Pinheiro Machado, who acted as one of his main political supporters, although he was against the “policy of governors” inaugurated by Campos Sales himself. In this context, Pinheiro Machado exerted a strong influence on the party leadership and managed to obtain several concessions within the intransigent regime of the “policy of the governors”; During the presidency of Rodrigues Alves (1902-1906), Pinheiro Machado's political prominence was increasingly accentuated among republicans. Already during the government of Nilo Peçanha (1909-1910), his friend and collaborator, his political prestige reached its peak. He thus had a decisive role when choosing the candidate for the presidential succession. His support and political articulations were fundamental for the election, in March 1910, of Marshal Hermes da Fonseca (1910-1914). Considered the great voter of the Republic, the arbiter of Brazilian politics, he became one of the leaders of the Conservative Republican Party, founded in November of that year by representatives of the elites of states dissatisfied with the so-called “coffee with milk policy”, through which the federal power had been alternating between the states of São Paulo and Minas Gerais; In 1912, while he was vice-president of the Senate, Pinheiro Machado assumed the position of president of the executive committee of the PRC, replacing Quintino Bocaiúva, who died on July 11 of that year. As had already happened in 1910, he also played a prominent role in the 1914 election, when he was elected Venceslau Brás (1914-1918); On January 30, 1915, Pinheiro Machado was elected Senator for the last time in Rio Grande do Sul. On September 8, the gaucho senator was stabbed in the back, as he entered the Hotel dos Estrangeiros, in Rio de Janeiro, to visit his friend and political opponent, Rubião Júnior, then president of the state Senate of São Paulo. The motivations for the crime, committed by Francisco Manso de Paiva Coimbra, have not been sufficiently clarified. At the time, the police concluded that the killer acted on his own initiative. Pinheiro Machado's body was transported to Rio Grande do Sul, where he was buried next to his friend Júlio de Castilhos, who had died in 1903. With his death, the PRC, of which he was president, practically disappeared; Pinheiro Machado played a decisive role in the Brazilian political scene and, although he never held the position of Minister of State, he was responsible for appointing several ministers to different portfolios. In addition, he dominated the political machinery of his home state and projected his personal leadership over the Senate and House, forming a very cohesive majority bloc. He also had control of the Commission for Verification of Powers of the National Congress, responsible for the final electoral results and for the diplomation of those elected. Through this control, he could deny an opponent a seat in the National Congress, causing the commission to consider sufficient votes to be fraudulent to give victory to another candidate. In this way, he achieved a power that perhaps no other politician had achieved during the First Brazilian Republic. And, as such, he elevated Rio Grande do Sul to a position of eminence that the state had not yet had in the Republic and only achieved during the monarchy; Probably too much of a republican to be PM but we could use some of his stuff

Delfim Moreira - Yes. - Delfim Moreira da Costa Ribeiro was born on the Pedra farm, in the municipality of Cristina, in the south of Minas Gerais, on November 7, 1868, the son of Antônio Moreira da Costa, a farmer and member of the National Guard, and Maria Cândida Ribeiro. His cousin Venceslau Brás was federal deputy for Minas Gerais from 1903 to 1908, state president from 1909 to 1910, vice president of the Republic from 1910 to 1914 and president of the Republic from 1914 to 1918; He studied at Colégio Santa Rita and Colégio Mendonça, in Pouso Alegre, and took the preparatory course for higher education at two institutions: at Seminary in Mariana and at Colégio Joaquim Carlos, in São Paulo. In 1886 he entered the Faculty of Law of São Paulo, and in 1890 obtained a bachelor's degree in legal and social sciences. He was a classmate of Venceslau Brás and Estevão Lobo Leite Pereira and still in college he organized with them, and with Antônio Carlos Ribeiro de Andrada, a republican club called Acadêmico Mineiro. He also founded a newspaper entitled República Mineira, in the city of São Gonçalo do Sapucaí, located in the south of Minas. Even though he lived in São Paulo, he tried not to disconnect from Minas Gerais republicanism, writing articles for one of the most prominent republican newspapers in Minas, O Colombo, directed by the historical republican from the city of Campanha, Lúcio de Mendonça, in addition to collaborating with other republican newspapers from Minas Gerais and beyond; After graduating, in 1891 he became a public prosecutor in Santa Rita do Sapucaí, becoming a municipal judge in the same city the following year, president of the Chamber and executive agent of the municipality. In 1893 he returned to the position of public prosecutor, now in the city of Pouso Alegre. His political trajectory was facilitated by the implementation of the republican regime and his family connections with Venceslau Brás, politically loyal to the important leadership of Silviano Brandão in the south of Minas Gerais. This situation guaranteed him space to claim a vacancy in the Legislative Assembly. Accordingly, in 1894 he was elected state representative and then re-elected to the next legislature; While he was in office, he had an outstanding participation in the political articulations that resulted in the pacification of the conflicts that divided the elite of Minas Gerais since the proclamation of the Republic. As soon as the regime was instituted in Brazil, historical republicans, adherents and monarchists, separated ideologically and, above all regionally, divided into groups to dispute political control over the state. The national opposition between Deodoristas and Florianistas and, later, between Glyceristas and Prudentistas had overwhelming effects on the political stability of Minas Gerais, only recovered after the recreation of a new Republican Party of Minas Gerais, which made it possible to nominate Silviano Brandão to the vice-presidency of the Republic in 1898. Delfim Moreira was part of the Commission of 15, specially appointed by the Legislative Assembly to reorganize the political composition of Minas. The conciliation that resulted from this political rearrangement involved the removal of groups considered more radical and that assumed separatist postures due to their links with Florianismo. The political affirmation of Prudente de Morais on the Jacobin Florianists at the national level contributed to the removal of opposition groups from Minas Gerais, guaranteeing the PRM a stability that would last for many years, under the political hegemony of the south of the state; In 1902, Delfim Moreira was invited by Francisco Sales to compose his secretariat and became Secretary of the Interior, a position he held until 1906. The portfolio was one of the most important in public administration, as its holder was responsible for dealing with numerous relevant functions, such as elections, administration of justice, education, health and immigration policy, creation of municipalities and districts, military recruitment, security and public assistance, and also the relations between Minas Gerais and the other states of the Federation; Upon leaving the Secretariat of the Interior, he was easily elected state senator, at just 38 years old. He chose not to take office, moving away from politics temporarily by taking up residence on a farm in Santa Rita do Sapucaí. For some of his biographers, such withdrawal was a reflection of health problems that already affected him and would lead to his death years later. In 1908 he assumed his seat in the Senate, and the following year he was elected federal deputy for the PRM. Inducted in May 1909, he held office until 1910, when he returned to the Secretary of the Interior of Minas Gerais, now in the government of Júlio Bueno Brandão (1910-1914); In the two periods in which he was Secretary of the Interior of Minas Gerais, Delfim Moreira had an outstanding participation in the field of education. He was part of the list of concerns of the Brazilian intellectual elites, in the period in which they were formed, especially in careers linked to medicine and law, the study of criminology, which involved discussions around its causes and effects. As reported by the varied literature produced in Brazil on the subject, the ruling elite considered education one of the main tools capable of mitigating the inconveniences generated by a nature that predisposed to social anomie. The creation of disciplinary institutions for children and adults constituted a desired public policy, capable of dampening the aggressive instinct, natural of some races, preventing potentially criminal individuals from letting themselves be carried away by paths other than those of order and discipline; Such values, widely shared by countless generations trained at the Faculty of Law of São Paulo, were part of Delfim Moreira's intellectual universe. His commitments to education reflected a personal dissatisfaction with the conditions of education in his state. He considered the number of schools insufficient, poorly trained teachers and extremely old-fashioned teaching methods. The lack of inspection compounded the problem. The attendance of students was very low, which pointed to their supposed lack of interest in the boring classes taught by teachers who were poorly paid and, consequently, disinterested. In addition, Delfim Moreira was concerned about the absence of a unified education system at the national level; As alternatives, he bet on the need for curricular changes, which included the introduction of a less theoretical and more professional education. Teaching agricultural and commercial practices should be a priority to meet the demand for professionals in the state. Curricula should be standardized, although more complex in urban centers and simpler in rural districts, and the expansion of education should be a priority goal; In line with these concerns, as soon as he took over as Secretary of the Interior of Minas, Delfim Moreira undertook to carry out a broad educational reform in the state, based on premises discussed and approved by a commission created by him in order to debate the theme and propose solutions. This commission, headed by Estevam de Oliveira and composed of members of the Superior Council of Public Education, met and presented in 1903 a reform proposal based on two main pillars: the professionalization of teachers and the introduction of changes in the process of student training; Regarding the first axis, it was proposed to make the principle of “teachers' tenacity” more flexible, a regulation that guaranteed the stability of the professional in employment, enacted in the early years of the Republic. Delfim Moreira shared the thesis that countless teachers from Minas Gerais, poorly trained or accommodated in their long careers in teaching, contributed little to the fulfillment of the main objectives of education, which were moral sanitation and the preparation of young people for the job market. The new proposal was in line with a conception that asserted that teaching professionals should be better trained to exercise their profession. For this, the reform forwarded by Delfim to the appreciation of the Mineiro Congress involved the creation of teacher training institutes – the normal schools –, since in most cases such training did not exist or was given in a deficient way. The creation of an Instituto Normal Superior was the high point of the reform proposal. It would be up to the Institute to provide greater professionalization to the career and increase the number of teachers in the state; Regarding the second axis, the dissemination of school groups throughout the capital and the countryside was necessary for public education to become universal. The legislation in force at the time linked representation to the number of literate voters in each state. Minas Gerais prided itself on having the largest number of voters and, consequently, the largest federal caucus in the country, and would strive to maintain such supremacy. For this reason, since 1900 primary education had become mandatory in Minas Gerais, and the proliferation of school groups was a concern of many public managers in Minas Gerais. In addition to this aspect, the proposal included significant changes in the contents to be taught in schools, foreseeing the replacement of a bachelor's degree for a more professional curriculum. Children and young people should have an education focused on the rural and urban labor market. The creation of agricultural institutes would be responsible for disseminating part of this model. The reform proposal was widely debated in the Legislative Assembly of Minas Gerais and approved in mid-1906; The 1891 Constitution had delegated to the states the responsibility for organizing primary education, an indispensable requirement for the expansion of citizenship, with a view to maintaining the capacity vote. The provision of education in Minas Gerais was shared by the state government, municipalities and the private sector. Private schools, especially those of a confessional nature, received subsidies from the state, as long as they went through an “equalization” process, which implied adopting the public-state model as a standard procedure. But the task and the volume of investments necessary for this purpose went beyond the availability of political will and financial resources of the leaders at the time. The number of vacancies in primary education was still very small, which constituted an obstacle for the decree of universalization of education to be put into practice; In 1910, when Delfim Moreira returned to the Secretary of the Interior, the number of enrollments in primary education in the state was 114,634, while the number of school groups was 93. New buildings were then built, and the government initiated a policy of free distribution of didactic material for underprivileged students. At the end of his administration, the number of students remained close to two hundred thousand, enrolled in the one hundred school groups maintained by the state, a growth of more than 74% in the number of students; As attendance was still very low, close to 60% of those enrolled, Delfim invested in creating school funds. Such institutes provided food, clothing and medicine to poor children, as long as they attended school. In addition to helping those in need, they offered prizes to the most assiduous students. In 1911, boxes became mandatory in school groups and optional in private schools. In 1915, there were 199 school funds throughout the state, with a considerable increase in the amount allocated to them during the period in which Delfim was in charge of the secretariat; On the other hand, until 1904, normal teaching was provided in ten schools. After rigorous evaluation, several of them were closed. Delfim concentrated teaching in three municipal schools and nine equivalent by decree, after a thorough prior examination of the applicants. In 1907, an old project by Delfim had been completed, with the construction of a model normal school in the capital. The school was exclusively aimed at a female audience, and the course lasted four years. Then, another state model school was created, that of Ouro Fino, which innovated by accepting men as students. At the end of his administration, normal education was provided by 36 public and “equivalent” schools, responsible for training 5,372 normalists; With a view to expanding agricultural education, Delfim created five model farms. The results, however, did not correspond to the investments made, because the number of students was still very small. In vain, he tried to lease some farms, but the lack of interested parties made the project unfeasible. The solution found was to subsidize private farms so that they would commit themselves to instructing interested parties. Such an exit was equally unsuccessful, because the contracts were not fulfilled, and the state government had to cut subsidies. Vocational agricultural education would have many difficulties in consolidating itself; After winning the internal struggles that divided the state, three groups began to dispute the hegemony of the PRM. On the one hand, the “silvianistas”, who gathered around the leadership of Silviano Brandão and who, after his death in 1902, began to be called “widows”. On the other, the “biistas”, gathered around the leadership of Bias Fortes. And finally the “salistas”, faithful to the leadership of Francisco Sales. Delfim Moreira, as a member of the southern Minas Gerais army, maintained links with salismo; The south of Minas Gerais hegemony over the other regions of the state would last until 1918 and would be responsible for the political projection of several members of the regional elite, among them Delfim Moreira, who, at the end of his second term in the Secretariat of the Interior, was raised by the his support group in the PRM to the presidency of Minas Gerais. Delfim Moreira governed Minas between 1914 and 1918, a period in which his cousin Venceslau Brás was President of the Republic, and at the same time, from 1917 onwards, he joined the executive committee of the PRM, where he would remain until his death in 1920; At the head of the state government, Delfim Moreira continued his commitments to education, previously approved in the reform he proposed. In this way, he further disseminated school groups throughout Minas Gerais and created new vocational institutes, considerably expanding the school network. Fulfilling its commitment to the dissemination of agricultural education, official agricultural apprenticeships were created in 1915 in the cities of Ouro Fino and Uberaba. In addition, he introduced the teaching of manual arts in the state, creating 18 new technical education establishments; In the absence of social policies to support the underprivileged, the state government limited itself to subsidizing charitable institutions. In 1915, authorized by Congress, the government organized the Loteria Mineira and contracted its extraction for the benefit of these entities. But a year later, it had to suspend it, since all the foreseen clauses were not fulfilled. Thus, the pious entities were left without the resource. Until the end of his mandate Delfim would not be able to solve the problem; Still in the field of public assistance, in 1917 he built a pavilion to accommodate lepers at Santa Casa de Sabará. With regard to care for the insane, he created, in 1915, a colony attached to the asylum in Barbacena to supply the growing demand of the state, and then expanded its facilities so that they could house about 600 patients. He established the State Hygiene Board, which became responsible for managing a large number of health posts created at the time. Among the public works carried out, the considerable increase in the road network in the state and the investment in the mechanization of agriculture stood out. To this end, he carried out a small administrative reform, which separated activities related to agriculture, land and colonization, from road activities, public works, industry and commerce; His government was relatively hampered by the situation of international war, but facilitated by the fact that another miner, Venceslau Brás, was in the presidency of the Republic. Despite the threats that were looming, the period was marked by the expansion of coffee exports in Minas, reaching an even greater volume than the exports made between 1907 and 1910, which surprised all contemporaries; Over the four-year period, public revenues grew a lot, due to the increase in exports of coffee and other products. Thus, the budgets were, for the most part, in surplus. The data from the presidential reports shows the constant growth of all exports from Minas Gerais, the diversification of its productive portfolio and the consequent increase in public revenues. Throughout the period, Minas Gerais alone was responsible for 31.35% of all national exports; During his mandate, coffee was still the main item in the state's export basket, although polyculture began to develop more quickly. Delfim Moreira never had any doubts about the need to protect it, aware of its importance for Minas tax revenue. For this, he proposed the reduction of rail freight, although he could not be directly responsible for such measures, since most of the Minas Gerais railroads were federally owned. He was also committed to reducing taxation on work and production, proposing a fiscal reform that would include taxation of large fortunes or an increase in land taxes, reducing the burden on coffee producers and exporters. But he recognized, as did many of his contemporaries, the urgent need to reduce financial dependence on rubiaceae profits, so that public income would not be at the mercy of fluctuations common to the market; With regard to ores in Minas Gerais, in 1914 extraction was stationary, but the following year there was a considerable growth in manganese production, which began to be exported to the belligerent countries. At the time, Minas had three small steel mills, responsible for the manufacture of pig iron. A new steel company came to reinforce the state's industrial mining in 1917. It was Companhia Siderúrgica Mineira in Sabará, whose blast furnace was capable of producing 20 tons a day, using mostly national technology; A positive contribution of the war was the dynamization of the pastoral industry in the state. Until 1915 it was only produced for domestic consumption, but later cattle became a source of profit. As a way of investing in this new economic modality, so lucrative for Minas Gerais coffers, Delfim Moreira took care of building slaughterhouses and slaughterhouses to enable the export of Minas Gerais meat to the United States and Europe. The national livestock censuses of 1912 and 1916 placed Minas Gerais as the main producer in the country, seconded by Rio Grande do Sul. Meat exports surpassed coffee exports in 1917; The industrial development promoted by the substitution of imports during and after the First World War was very visible in Minas Gerais, especially in relation to the textile industry. Until 1912 the state had 52 fabric factories. In 1915, the number of textile factories in Minas Gerais exceeded 60 units, bringing together 8,572 workers, an approximate average of 140 workers per factory unit; Due to the continuous growth of the textile industry, the government had to invest in cotton planting, since Minas imported the raw material from other Brazilian states. For this, technicians were hired to advise the farmers and subsidized initiatives aimed at the product's self-sufficiency. In 1916 the state government even hired an American specialist to advise on the improvement of cotton cultivation, due to the growing demand. But the problem of a lack of qualified labor hindered the expansion of industry in the state; The ban on emigration to Brazil, decreed by the Italian government, had greatly reduced the flow of workers to Minas Gerais. This fact led Delfim to dismiss the immigration superintendent, maintained by Minas in Europe since 1898, and to suspend the subsidized immigration service in the state. Although the immigration policy suffered a considerable setback due to the war, 708 immigrants arrived in Minas Gerais in 1914, and there are references to the arrival of many Japanese immigrants in the Triângulo region. To receive them, the government built an inn in the capital, but the 1916 government report informs that the state postponed its inauguration, because there was not enough immigration. The government also acquired eight farms for the foundation of new colonial nuclei, which came to be added to the 16 others already existing in the state. Such colonies aggregated about 26 thousand rural workers; With regard to security, the Public Force of Minas Gerais, although one of the largest in Brazil, did not have enough staff to cover all the demands of the state. In 1914 its staff reached approximately 2,500 men, and the demand was for at least four thousand. Delfim tried to hire Swiss military training, a practice commonly established in Brazil by other police forces, in addition to having tried to increase the number of police officers, without much success. Policing of the capital was the responsibility of the Civil Guard, which had a contingent of 200 men. From 1916 onwards, the Minas Gerais police took responsibility for the identification service, producing identity cards for voters, in compliance with national requirements; The government of Delfim Moreira introduced a series of changes in the police that, for the most part, did not please the military. In order to provide support to the federal government, he made the Public Force of Minas Gerais an auxiliary force of the national Army, which implied changes in the career of police officers and brought the police much closer to the Army. Instructors and commanders of the Minas Gerais police troops could be recruited by the Army and Army reservists could form part of the Minas Gerais police staff. This merger did not please the troops, neither at the base nor at the top of the military hierarchy; Measures in the field of public health were limited to combating the epidemics that raged in the interior and retaining the insane, a constant object of concern for the guardians of public order. The protection service for the insane had a great increase in the state after the year 1900, with the creation of the colony hospital in Barbacena. From then on, every effort was made to expand the institution, given that the demand for vacancies far exceeded the supply of beds in the few existing hospitals; To make it possible to fight epidemics, Minas Gerais used the help of the Manguinhos Institute, since it did not have the means to manufacture its own vaccines, which was a project very cherished by Delfim Moreira, but not materialized until the end of his mandate. In 1916 the state government tried to implement an agreement with the Rockefeller Foundation, with the aim of obtaining its help in the fight against hookworm, one of the most widespread epidemics in Minas. The foundation already gave its support to the capital of the Republic, and its philanthropic character exempted the state from high expenses with combating the disease; During his mandate, Delfim Moreira had to face the resolution of boundary problems between Minas and the states of Rio de Janeiro, São Paulo and, mainly, Espírito Santo, the latter in court, given the absence of an agreement. To guarantee ownership of the contested region, Delfim installed some judicial districts in it, which aggravated relations between the two federated units. In 1914 the old question of the limits that opposed the states of Minas and Espírito Santo was finally resolved, in favor of the miners, by court decision; Throughout his government, Delfim remained faithful to the leadership of Francisco Sales, president of the powerful executive committee of the PRM, the “Tarasca”. Little was able to interfere with his own succession. Interested in nominating Américo Ferreira Lopes, then his Secretary of the Interior, he had to quickly give up his name in favor of nominating Artur Bernardes, a name proposed by Raul Soares, one of his most prominent secretaries of state; The presidential succession of 1918 was one of the least traumatic of the First Republic. The death of Pinheiro Machado in 1915 greatly contributed to political articulations taking place without one of its main political actors – the state of Rio Grande Sul – postulating a vacancy. At the same time, the aging of a first generation of republicans also contributed to the deflation of the dispute, not to mention the war context in which the articulations took place, marked by international political uncertainty and the economic challenges that haunted our economy, extremely dependent on the external capital flow for its survival. Such events led to the fastest succession dispute that occurred throughout the First Republic; The Rodrigues Alves-Delfim Moreira plate, built by the main political actors of the occasion, would project Delfim onto the national scene. Delfim was elected with 382,491 votes, about four thousand votes less than the São Paulo president who headed the ticket. His name, proposed by Nilo Peçanha, served to settle political differences in Minas Gerais, not entirely satisfied with the nomination of Rodrigues Alves for the position; Destiny would place in Delfim's hands the much-desired presidential post. Rodrigues Alves was prevented from taking office because he was ill, and so, on November 15, 1918, Delfim assumed the presidency of the Republic. Rodrigues Alves' illness – according to his biographers he was a victim of the Spanish flu – did not prevent him from maintaining control over the country's management. Living in Rio de Janeiro, close to the Catete Palace, he received daily visits from Delfim Moreira to discuss measures to be taken. The ministry appointed by him was maintained, with only one modification, which occurred later: the banker João Ribeiro de Oliveira e Sousa occupied the Treasury portfolio after the dismissal of Amaro Cavalcanti, who did not maintain good relations with Delfim Moreira; The unexpected death of Rodrigues Alves, on January 16, 1919, changed this picture. According to the 1891 Constitution, a new election should be held, and so it was done, with Epitácio Pessoa victorious. Delfim Moreira, therefore, presided over the country between November 15, 1918 and July 28, 1919; In 1918, budget deficits resulting from the war situation were greatly aggravated. For Delfim, it was urgent for the Union to increase its revenues, and for that purpose he proposed an increase in customs tariffs. In order to meet expenses, the federal government had to issue domestic and foreign debt securities, in addition to carrying out issues without backing. Delfim was aware that budget balance would only come from a profound reduction in public spending; During his brief tenure as President of the Republic, with little time and resources, he concentrated his actions on the federal capital. Paulo de Frontin was then mayor of Rio de Janeiro, with whom he established a partnership to carry out important urban works, which included the opening of new avenues, the improvement of the water supply system and the construction of roads that connected Rio to other Brazilian cities. The realization of such works expressed Rodrigues Alves' interest in giving continuity to the urban reforms initiated in his first government (1902-1906). There was also no lack of repression of popular movements, which marked Rodrigues Alves' first passage through power so intensely; Public lighting in the federal capital had been seriously compromised by the war, due to the lack of gas. To solve the problem, the federal government authorized the manufacture of mixed gas or its replacement with electric lighting, when possible. The intended reform of all the lighting in the city of Rio de Janeiro could not, however, be implemented; Delfim Moreira violently faced several general strikes that devastated the federal capital and the city of Niterói. During the period, he abused repression, determining the closure of unions and the expulsion of foreign anarchist leaders. Like countless other leaders of his generation, Delfim Moreira considered the strike movement a “police case”. As an example of this practice, he extinguished, in 1918, the General Union of Workers of Rio de Janeiro. According to Delfim, the organization was harmful to public order, and its members, mostly foreigners, “constituted a core of agitators, falling into the terrain of anarchy”; It is known that the increase in the cost of living after the outbreak of the First World War had contributed a lot to the spread of popular protests. Delfim, in his report, highlighted the cities of Petrópolis and Juiz de Fora as the most agitated. As a way of combating high prices, the government created a commercial inspection service to control prices, through the imposition of a table with maximum prices for some products, but did not fail to repress popular movements; The acting president congratulated the National Congress for the approval of Law No. 3724, of January 15, 1919, which regularized indemnities for accidents at work. According to Delfim, the great advance of the law was to equate professional illness to accidents. According to his account, his intervention was decisive in filling the gaps in the law, causing compensation to be paid through agreements between employers and employees, as long as they were ratified by the judge. To guarantee their payment, the law began to provide for the contracting of insurance with companies or professional unions, subject to strict government supervision. However, he regretted the exclusion he made of some categories of workers, such as miners and quarry workers, and the lack of fines against their non-application, problems that could only be resolved by the Legislature, but which Delfim asked to be considered as soon as possible; An important administrative reform carried out by him, still in the field of labor regulation, consisted of transforming the Directorate of the Settlement Service into the National Department of Labor, with attributions relating to labor issues, labor inspection, immigration, colonization, agricultural patronage, and still to the vacant lands of Acre; Throughout his term, Delfim would experience a serious political confrontation, which led him to put Article 6 of the Federal Constitution into practice, decreeing intervention in the government of Goiás with the aim of settling internal political differences. Thus, in 1918, the federal government intervened in Goiás, at the request of the state president, with the aim of restoring order; Among his accomplishments, investments in the Army can still be highlighted, which consisted of building five new barracks for the military schools and in an attempt to increase the number of personnel, enforcing the law of mandatory military drawing, which, however, encountered a lot of resistance from part of the lottery. With regard to foreign relations, as one of the results of the war, Brazil became part of the executive council of the then created League of Nations. The country also gained armaments from England for its Navy. When he was represented at the Peace Conference in Paris, he sent a delegation, chaired by the Paraíba senator Epitácio Pessoa, from which he would return already nominated as a candidate for the presidential succession that was approaching; Among other actions at the head of the presidency, the administrative reform of Acre and the numerous changes made to the Civil Code, written in 1916, but which still required a series of adjustments, stood out. In 1918, five thousand copies of the corrected Civil Code were edited. In 1918, Delfim incorporated the assets of the Maternidade do Rio de Janeiro into the Faculty of Medicine of Rio de Janeiro. The government also purchased new equipment for the Ouro Preto School of Mines in order to improve testing on ores, better equipping its laboratories; Despite the achievements of his administration, Delfim Moreira took little part in them. Victim of precocious sclerosis, which led him to alternate periods of lucidity with insane attitudes, he kept away from the main deliberations of his government. Because he delegated power to his Minister of Transport, Afrânio de Melo Franco, from Minas Gerais, the period was described by contemporaries as that of the “republican regency”, in allusion to the monarchical regency period. Although the press carried out a wide defamatory campaign against the administration of Delfim Moreira, his political support was guaranteed by a wide range of forces in Minas, fearful that in his absence he would be raised to power, as provided for in the Constitution, the vice-president of the Senate, Mato Grosso native Antônio Azeredo, loyal to São Paulo interests; Due to his health problems, Delfim Moreira took little part in the articulations that resulted in the choice of Epitácio Pessoa as his successor, limiting himself to opposing the name of Rui Barbosa, also a candidate for the position. Other leaders from Minas had a more active participation in this process, such as Artur Bernardes and Raul Soares. Epitácio Pessoa was finally elected on April 13, 1919 and took office on the following July 28; Delfim Moreira died on July 1, 1920, in Santa Rita do Sapucaí. President of the Senate since assuming the vice-presidency of the Republic, he was replaced there by Francisco Álvaro Bueno de Paiva, from Minas Gerais; Undecided, republican but had interesting education stuff, may use Afrânio on his place

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74

Afrânio de Melo Franco - Yes. - 25 -

Miguel Costa - Yes. - 24 -

Estácio Coimbra - Yes. -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

Uncertanty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary: