User:Caio79 (Brazil)

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Notes because I don't know where to put these
https://www.ufsj.edu.br/portal2-repositorio/File/revistaestudosfilosoficos/art10-rev3.pdf Persecution of republicans -> Stablishment and aristocracy has been empowered again -> Some reforms to the status quo starts to appear -> They get ousted and the oligarchic regime is implemented -> Parliament curbs empress

Remember Campos Salles

Rodrigues Alves -> Infraestructure, good economy; Afonso Pena -> Railways, immigration; Hermes -> Army-centric; Brás -> Civil code, factories; Delfim Moreira -> Mad; Epitácio Pessoa -> Anti-drought, army and labor reforms; Bernardes -> Represseive; Washington -> Roads

https://www.econ.puc-rio.br/uploads/adm/trabalhos/files/Henrique_Cadime_Duque_Estrada_Meyer.pdf Industrialization notes. Also, less industrialisation before the 30s because no WW1

https://www.lume.ufrgs.br/bitstream/handle/10183/12462/000627005.pdf;sequence=1 JK notes

https://anovafederacaodip.wordpress.com/2020/12/09/positivismo-gaucho-brasileiro-trabalhismo-brasileiro-e-republica-positiva-uma-historia-resumida-capitulo-ii/ Names

Roberto Campos - PAEG

Whatever
Belle Époque:

Deodoro da Fonseca - Yes. - 48 - Conservative

Rodolfo Dantas - Later. - Liberal

Eduardo Prado - Yes. - Conservative

Ruy Barbosa - Yes. - 20 - Liberal - Rui Barbosa was born on Rua dos Capitães, today Rui Barbosa, in the parish of Sé, municipality of Salvador, on November 5, 1849, the eldest son of João José Barbosa de Oliveira (1818-1874) and Maria Adélia Barbosa de Oliveira, born de Almeida (1818-1867). There is no material evidence that he received the name Rui Barbosa de Oliveira. In the available documents, such as enrollment and diploma from the Faculty of Law of São Paulo, voter registration, marriage registration and the numerous works he signed, only the name Rui Barbosa appears. The name Rui would be an abbreviated form of Rodrigo, a tribute to his paternal grandfather Rodrigo Antônio Barbosa de Oliveira, a merchant, who died when João José was still a child. João José and Maria Adélia were cousins: he, son of Rodrigo and grandson of sergeant-major Antônio Barbosa de Oliveira; she, the granddaughter of one of Rodrigo's brothers, Captain Antônio Barbosa de Oliveira, and therefore the great-granddaughter of the sergeant-major. The couple also had a daughter, Brites (1851-1879), who died prematurely as a result of childbirth; A medical student in 1837, João José had his studies interrupted by Sabinada, in which several Barbosa de Oliveira participated, including Luís Antônio Barbosa de Almeida, his cousin and future brother-in-law. When legal troops entered the Bahian capital, both were arrested and prosecuted, but were acquitted. Luís Antônio became influential in the Liberal Party of Bahia, and through him João José was elected provincial deputy in 1846. Although a physician, João José did not practice for long. He persisted in politics, in which he had a troubled career: he broke with his brother-in-law, was passed over in positions and jobs and lost elections, although he was elected deputy general twice, between 1864 and 1868. He died at the age of 66, leaving a modest estate and many debts: all would be paid by the eldest son, then 25 years old, who converted them into personal bonds; Rui Barbosa joined the Ginásio Baiano in 1861, with Antônio de Castro Alves as a colleague. At the age of 15, he finished the humanities course, when he was awarded the gold medal. It was the greatest emotion of his life, he would say later. He enrolled at the Recife Faculty of Law in 1866 and, as a freshman, participated in an abolitionist academic association founded by Castro Alves, Augusto Alves Guimarães (Castro Alves' brother-in-law), Plínio de Lima (a poet from Bahia) and others. When taking the exams for the second legal year, he received an R, that is, a “simply” grade, given by professor of natural law Meneses de Drummond. The episode probably contributed to his transfer to the third year of the Faculty of Law of São Paulo in 1868; Soon he was elected second speaker of a literary society of students, O Ateneu Paulistano, chaired by Joaquim Nabuco, whom he would succeed the following year. This group included Rodrigues Alves, Afonso Pena and Martim Cabral. Castro Alves had also come to study in São Paulo and was part of the Ateneu's “literature commission”, along with Rui and Nabuco. He also joined Lodge America, a prominent Masonic lodge. Freemasonry was conducive to liberal ideas, and many students and teachers were part of it; The fall of the Zacarias de Góis cabinet, on July 16, 1868, solely by personal decision of the emperor, and the formation of a conservative cabinet under the leadership of Joaquim José Rodrigues Torres, viscount of Itaboraí, greatly affected the liberals, who saw in the gesture an arbitrary manifestation of the power of the Crown. Among the students, the political repercussions were strong. Rui participated intensely in the political and cultural activities typical of academic life, which was particularly agitated in that period. He was attracted by the appeal of the Court's liberals, who had united in the Reform Club, designed to challenge the monarch's "personal power". The Reform fought for the modification of the electoral system, with the adoption of direct elections. This was followed in São Paulo by the founding of a Radical Club, whose program supported broad reforms, such as federation, free education, an elected Senate, the end of moderating power, abolition and direct elections. Rui participated in its founding and proposed the creation of a newspaper, Radical Paulistano, which would be in charge of conveying these ideas and would count on the collaboration of several of his fellow students: Bernardino Pamplona, president of the Club, Américo de Campos, Luís Gama, Benedito Otoni, among others; Shortly after his graduation in São Paulo, on October 29, 1870, Rui Barbosa returned to Bahia and joined his father in the Liberal Party (January 1871), almost simultaneously with the publication of the Republican Manifesto (12/3/1870 ), signed by many of his former comrades and contemporaries from his student days: Saldanha Marinho, Campos Sales, Francisco Rangel Pestana; In politics, João José Barbosa had linked up with Manuel Pinto de Sousa Dantas, head of one of the liberal factions in the state, who easily extended his sympathy to the young bachelor. Rui Barbosa started his forensic life in Dantas' office. Almost at the same time, he began working at the Diário da Bahia, a Liberal Party newspaper also controlled by that political boss. In December 1872, at the age of 23, he was appointed editor-in-chief of the newspaper, a job, incidentally, without pay. A paid position would come on December 15, 1874, a few months after the death of his father, whom Rui succeeded as secretary of the Santa Casa de Misericórdia in Bahia, appointed at the request of Dantas; Two items, above all, were then part of the liberal agenda: the demand for direct election, which would replace the election in two degrees, where the electoral body chose a group of voters who voted in the provincial and general parliaments; and what was known by an understatement: the question of the servile element. With regard to the latter, the Crown, during Rio Branco's cabinet – almost entirely on its own – had taken a step towards the extinction of slave labor, with the Free Womb Law, of September 28, 1871. The discussion of the total abolition of slavery was postponed, so to speak, for more than a decade, when the abolitionist movement began to grow more significantly. In turn, the issue of direct elections would come to the fore when the Liberals returned to power in 1878; The Conservatives' regime that had been installed in 1868 therefore lasted ten years and ended the same way it began, on the Emperor's initiative. Dom Pedro II entrusted João Lins Vieira Cansansão, then Baron of Sinimbu, liberal, with organizing the ministry that was installed on January 5, 1878. On January 13, the provincial election was held in Bahia, which was won, as expected. customary, by the party that held the central power. Rui Barbosa, strong in his participation in regional politics alongside the Dantas, was elected to the Provincial Legislative Assembly, with 1,071 votes; However, his stay as provincial deputy was not long. The new liberal cabinet intended to submit a proposal for electoral reform contemplating direct elections. For that, he could not count on the Chamber elected by the conservative government. The Chamber was dissolved in April 1878, another was called for December 15 of the same year and the election was held in September, when a Chamber with a Liberal majority was elected. In Bahia, always on the recommendation of Manuel Pinto Dantas, Rui Barbosa was elected general deputy for the 1878-1881 legislature; In the General Assembly, Rui Barbosa would act as a prominent figure of the Liberal Party since the beginning of his term, when the discussion on electoral reform. Against a liberal dissidence led by José Bonifácio, o Moço – which included Joaquim Nabuco, Silveira Martins, Saldanha Marinho and Pedro Luís Pereira de Sousa, his fellow liberals – he started to defend the government proposal in its main points: what he called of literary census, that is, knowing how to read and write; and the pecuniary census: the annual net income, since the project also raised the required minimum provided for in the 1824 Constitution for second-degree voters; With regard to the first clause, I would say: “The need to know how to read and write is not a limitation of the right; it is only a condition of its exercise; since it is impossible to perform the function of voter who does not know how to write his list.” As for the pecuniary census, for Rui Barbosa only an indigent would live in Brazil with an annual income lower than that required by the project (four hundred mil-réis), which would hinder his independence when voting; This first project was rejected by the Senate, and the discussion on direct elections had to wait for a new liberal cabinet, the Saraiva cabinet, which took office on March 28, 1880. Manuel Pinto de Sousa Dantas was appointed to the Ministry of Justice and was in charge of drawing up a new electoral reform project, of which Rui was the main writer; Approved on June 9, 1881, the Saraiva Law – which Rui Barbosa would later define as the “possible liberalism” at the time – maintained the census restriction, without raising it, however, eliminated the vote of the illiterate, practically excluded the private wage earner from the right to vote and made voting optional. On the other hand, it introduced some liberalizing points: voting for non-Catholics, freedmen and naturalized; Re-elected for the legislatures that began in 1882 and 1885 (the latter ended in the same year), Rui Barbosa would go through four more liberal cabinets – Martinho Campos (21/1/1882-3/7/1882), Paranaguá (3/7/1882- 5/24/1883), Lafayette Rodrigues Pereira (5/24/1883-6/6/1884), Manuel Pinto de Sousa Dantas (6/6/1884-5/6/1885) and a very short-lived second Saraiva cabinet (6/5-20/8/1885) – before being defeated in the election of January 15, 1886. He had a close involvement with the administrations of Martinho Campos, Lafayette and Dantas. Probably motivated by such firm solidarity, Lafayette proposed to the emperor that he grant him the title of adviser, invoking his services to education, a reference to the proposals for reforming secondary and higher education contained in a famous opinion prepared by Rui as rapporteur and presented to the Commission of Public Instruction (4/13/1882). Rui Barbosa received the title of Councilor of the Empire on May 31, 1884, thus ascending to one of the most honorable positions in the Brazilian monarchy before reaching the age of 35; His influence grew especially during the Dantas cabinet, his countryman and political boss, a period in which he also reconnected with the most progressive wing of the Liberal Party. The other liberal governments had proposed little and had done nothing towards the extinction of slave labor. On July 15, 1884, the government's project on the emancipation of sixty-year-olds was presented to the Chamber, a document that had practically been written by Rui Barbosa; The new fact was the definition of an age limit for the state of slavery: 60 years. More important: the preclusion to the payment of any compensation for the emancipation of the slave was implicit, which would be the first challenge to the right of property over the human person in Brazilian legislation. The perception of the threat represented by the bill was immediate and, under strong parliamentary pressure, the Dantas cabinet was dissolved shortly afterwards, in May, thus postponing the discussion of the Dantas bill. The new project was approved on August 13, 1885, but the concession made to the slaveholders – and which had received bitter criticism from Rui – had strained the Liberal Party's unity, making it difficult for Saraiva to lead, who, having approved his law, returned the position to the emperor, to create better political conditions for forwarding the reform of the servile regime. The rise of the new cabinet of the Baron of Cotegipe, João Maurício Wanderley (20/8/1885-10/3/1888) marked the beginning of a government of conservatives for another three years, which would make it practically unfeasible for Rui Barbosa to return to power. parliament until the end of the monarchy; Three times he tried unsuccessfully to be elected to the Chamber of Deputies: twice for Bahia – in 1886 and 1888 – when the conservatives dominated, which made his victory practically unfeasible. With the fall of the conservative cabinet of João Alfredo and the inauguration of the liberal Viscount of Ouro Preto on June 7, 1889, Rui, having refused to participate in the cabinet, distanced himself from liberal politics. When what would be the last election of the Empire was organized, in August 1889, he found himself excluded from the Liberal Party ticket in Bahia. A group of friends presented their candidacy for the Court, but this was defeated for the third time (8/31/1889); Between 1885 and the proclamation of the Republic, Rui Barbosa devoted himself mainly to journalism and law. He took over the direction of a small newspaper, the Diário de Notícias, which prospered under his orders. During this period he published hundreds of articles, later collected in a book under the title Queda do Império. His prestige at Court as a public figure and polemicist was consolidated and expanded. He began to insistently defend the federalist system and sided with the military in their conflicts with the various cabinets that preceded the proclamation of the Republic; Although not part of the core conspirator that carried out the republican coup d'état, the new regime would recognize Rui Barbosa as an ally. Thus, on the same day, November 15, 1889, he was appointed Minister of Finance in the provisional government headed by Deodoro da Fonseca. He also temporarily assumed, for three days, the Secretary of State for Justice Affairs, until Campos Sales took office; In his 14 months in charge of the Treasury, he tried to transform the issuing and credit policy initiated by the Viscount of Ouro Preto – conceived to come to the rescue of a part of agriculture affected by the abolition of slave labor – into a policy of support and industry incentives (through taxation of imported products) and credit for new investments. The measures taken failed, enmeshed in an unbridled speculative race, in significant increases in the public debt and in an inflationary process that even inhibited the desired industrial development itself. The effects of this policy would only be remedied during Campos Sales' quadrennium, between 1898 and 1902, at the cost of a recessive financial policy; During his participation in the provisional government, he would try to inscribe much of his liberal doctrinal ideal. Thus, on January 7, 1890, he had the Council of Ministers approve the project for the separation of the Church from the State, which prohibited the intervention of the federal authority and of the federated states in religious matters, consecrated the full freedom of cults and extinguished the patronage; Elected constituent senator for Bahia on September 15, 1890, he would play a decisive role in drafting the first republican Constitution. In it, when deciding for the presidential and federalist regime, he thought he would meet his concerns of expanding the system of political representation, at the same time that he would provide the central power with elements to maintain order and unity in the country. Anticipating possible extrapolations of the Executive and Legislative powers, it also tried to strengthen the Judiciary, defining a central role for the Federal Supreme Court, charged with being a neutral power, the final arbiter of conflicts, thus capable of reestablishing the rule of the Constitution; The promulgation of the Constitution, on February 24, 1891, and the elections the following day, by the National Constituent Congress, for the first period of republican government – when Deodoro da Fonseca and Floriano Peixoto were elected, respectively, president and vice-president of the Republic – took place in a month after the collective resignation of the first ministry of the provisional government, of which Rui Barbosa was part (20/1/1891); When the ordinary legislature began in June 1891, already removed from the Ministry of Finance, Rui would exercise his mandate as a senator discreetly, delivering speeches in defense of his administration during the provisional government or debating conventional projects, such as the Senate Rules. On the other hand, after the beginning of his constitutional term, Deodoro came into conflict with the parliamentary majority over a bill approved by the Senate and the Chamber and vetoed by him. The result was that on November 3, 1891 Deodoro dissolved Parliament, thus generating an immediate and profound institutional crisis that would only end with his resignation on November 23, including the revolt of the Navy. Floriano Peixoto then took over the government, and taking office was seen by many, including Rui Barbosa, as a defense of Parliament and a victory for republican legality; loriano Peixoto, however, began to exercise the government with an authoritarian disposition, harshly repressing opposition and provoking resistance and conflicts, of which the most violent expressions would be, in 1893, the Federalist Revolution and the Revolt of the Navy, insurrectionary movements harshly suppressed; In March 1892, the government declared a state of siege and, at the same time, several military officers and civil personalities were exiled to the Amazon, while many others were detained in the fortresses of Laje, Villegaignon, Santa Cruz and São João, in Rio. Rui Barbosa's reaction was almost immediate: on April 13, he filed a habeas corpus in defense of the persecuted, the first on political matters to be filed with the Federal Supreme Court. However, the measure was rejected by ten votes against one. Rui would be a fierce opponent of the Floriano government, standing out for the systematic defense of political prisoners and for the publication of articles in the press in which he defended the Constitution that he thought was disrespected by the arbitrary actions of the Executive; On September 5, 1893, on the eve of the outbreak of the Revolt of the Navy, identified as one of the most important elements of the opposition to Floriano Peixoto, Rui Barbosa, forewarned about the uprising, sought asylum at the Chilean legation. Then he went to Buenos Aires, where he stayed for a few weeks. He tried to return to Brazil, but, given the prevailing insecurity, he never landed in the country. He again took the route to Argentina and, on March 20, 1894, left for Portugal. Once again, he encountered political difficulties: the Portuguese government took a group of Brazilian officers seeking asylum to the fortresses of Elvas and Peniche. Rui protested against the measure in the press and was urged to leave the country on June 27. After passing through Madrid and Paris, he arrived on the 20th of July 1894 in London, where he finally settled in exile; He would stay in England for a year. From there, he would send correspondence to Jornal do Comércio: a series of six essays, collected in the book Cartas de Inglaterra. The first, “The Trial of Captain Dreyfus”, dated January 7, 1895, was the first international demonstration in favor of the famous captain, unjustly convicted of espionage in France. In the fourth, “Two glories of humanity”, Rui stigmatized the governments of two dictators, José Gaspar Rodrigues Francia, from Paraguay, and Juan Manuel Domingo Ortiz de Rosas, from Argentina, a clear allusion to what he considered the despotic power of Floriano Peixoto; The inauguration of Prudente de Morais on November 15, 1894 marked the beginning of the end of a period of tension and conflict that characterized the first two republican governments, headed by marshals of the Army. In mid-1895, Rui Barbosa decided to return to Brazil. On June 26 he arrived in Bahia and was met with popular demonstrations. Back in Rio, he resumed his seat in the Senate on August 24, 1895 – the day after the end of the Federalist Revolt –, spoke about the pacification of Rio Grande do Sul and asked for unrestricted amnesty for the revolutionaries; He returned to actively exercise his publicist and advocate role. He became chief editor and editorialist for A Imprensa, a newspaper created on the eve of Campos Sales' inauguration and managed by his brother-in-law, Carlos Viana Bandeira. On July 20, 1897, he participated in the founding of the Brazilian Academy of Letters. On several occasions he would rebel, through the Judiciary, against acts of the Executive that he considered arbitrary, defending in court those who had not been included in the Amnesty Law. Compulsorily retired magistrates, or professors at the Polytechnic School, and the royalists themselves, whose party had been reorganized in 1896, seeing themselves threatened, began to seek him out; In the election of December 11, 1896, he was reappointed to the Senate under strong opposition from his supporters and with the decisive support of Luís Viana, then governor of Bahia. In the first year of the new term, a series of violent incidents in the capital of the Republic – the murder of the editor of a monarchist newspaper, and the attack against Prudente de Morais, on November 5, 1897 – led him to express his solidarity with the president and the regime, notably in a speech delivered in the Senate the day after the attack; The election of Campos Sales to succeed Prudente de Morais in 1898 would confirm the control of the new Republic by civilian elements. In his government, the introduction of what became known as the “policy of the governors” – a policy of mutual support between the central government, represented by the presidents of the Republic, and the states, represented by the respective governors, and municipalities, represented by the political heads – came to contribute decisively to the stabilization of the regime. However, Rui Barbosa practically remained, or was kept, oblivious to the decisions that led to this process. During almost the entire quadrennium of Campos Sales, he focused predominantly on his activities as a journalist and lawyer. The discussion on the Civil Code project came unexpectedly to remove the relative obscurity in which it found itself; On November 2, 1900, the government of Campos Sales sent to the Chamber of Deputies a draft Civil Code originally written by Clóvis Bevilacqua. A little over a year later, on January 31, 1902, the text amended and revised by the Special Committee on the Civil Code of the Chamber was sent by its president to an eminent grammarian, former French teacher of Rui Barbosa, Ernesto Carneiro Ribeiro. Once the text was approved in the Chamber and forwarded to the Senate, Rui Barbosa was given the task of examining it. And in March 1902 he surprised everyone with his “Opinion”, containing more than a thousand amendments to the text corrected by Carneiro Ribeiro. The latter responded politely in a small booklet entitled “Slight Observations”, to which Rui replied with the famous “A Replica”, a monument of philological erudition, in which he displayed a fabulous knowledge of the Portuguese language, which contributed to his consecration in the imagination of the time as the great sage of the vernacular language. The Civil Code project would drag on in Parliament until 1916, when after numerous modifications it was enacted; Rui would return to the center of political clashes in the foreshadowing of the succession of Rodrigues Alves (1902-1906), when, in conjunction with Pinheiro Machado, he tried to gather forces to oppose the candidacy of Bernardino Campos, personally chosen by the president as his successor. The opposition of the senator from Rio Grande do Sul and, from the beginning, that of Rui as well, was not exactly directed to the name of Bernardino Campos, but to a model that was strengthened in the regime, which favored the control of the Executive over its renewal. After all, the various state leaders gathered in what would be known as “the Bloc”, against Rodrigues Alves' initiative. The alliance would result in the election of Afonso Pena; During the government of Afonso Pena (1906-1909), Rui experienced his longest period of situationism. Even before the beginning of the government, in January 1906, he was re-elected senator for Bahia. He would remain a senator, with successive reelections, until his death. In 1908, he was reelected vice-president of the Senate and, together with José Marcelino and Luís Viana, elected the governor of Bahia, João Ferreira de Araújo Pinho. He was also appointed by the government as an extraordinary and plenipotentiary ambassador to represent Brazil at the Second Peace Conference, to be held in The Hague between June 15 and October 18, 1907. Around this conference, despite the different interpretations about its real importance politics and the contemporary meaning that can be attributed to it, a significant part of the popular mythology about Rui Barbosa was perpetuated. Celebrated for his performance, he received the epithet of Eagle of The Hague in the press of the time and, later, in school manuals; The Second Hague Peace Conference marked Brazil's first important participation in international politics, when the Brazilian delegation led by Rui Barbosa - it was a parliamentary meeting, with wide coverage by the world press, which highlighted its qualities of a tribune – and under the guidance of the Baron of Rio Branco, he faced the delegations of the great powers in the defense of legal equality between nations; The issue arose when organizing the Permanent Court of Arbitration: Rui Barbosa presented a proposal in which all countries would have a seat on the court, leaving, however, the choice of the parties in dispute to submit their claims to the plenary or just to the judges chosen by them. The project opposed that of the large States, which provided for a privileged participation for themselves, that is, it refused parity between its arbitrators and those of the less powerful States; The conflict led to an impasse and a practically innocuous resolution of the conference: while reiterating the importance of creating the court, it decided to postpone the elaboration of the provisions related to its organization. The question of the parity of votes between countries is still relevant in permanent multilateral forums, notably in the United Nations Security Council, where the permanent members each have the power of veto over the council's decisions; The succession of Afonso Pena, scheduled for 1910, made Rui Barbosa review his position of support for the government: he opposed the candidacy of Davi Campista, Minister of Finance whom the President of the Republic had chosen as his successor, trying to revive the feat of Fields Sales. There was widespread resistance to the name Campista in the situationist camp, and the possibility of naming a military man was raised. Marshal Hermes da Fonseca, Minister of War, resigned from his post and assumed the position of candidate. Davi Campista was removed from the competition. The name of Hermes da Fonseca was consolidated as president of the Republic, with Venceslau Brás, president of Minas Gerais, as vice-president; Afonso Pena's death on June 14, 1909 precipitated the succession process. Assuming the presidency, vice Nilo Peçanha committed himself to supporting the marshal's candidacy. Rui Barbosa broke with the Bloc and was frankly opposed to the military candidacy. His own candidacy arose: what became known as the Civilist Campaign began; On August 28, 1909, the National Convention of dissident forces proclaimed Rui Barbosa and Manuel Joaquim de Albuquerque Lins, president of São Paulo, candidates for the presidential elections. On October 3, as a candidate for the presidency of the Republic, Rui delivered a speech at the Convention of Municipalities, at the Teatro Lírico in Rio de Janeiro. The movement developed in opposition to Marshal Hermes, articulated by the Paulista Republican Party, and supported by the states of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro; The Civilist Campaign is considered the first presidential campaign that had the participation of broad sectors of Brazilian society. Seeming little concerned with the immediate results, Rui embarked on an intense civic preaching for the states that supported him, an electoral pilgrimage never attempted by any candidate in previous campaigns. The weight of the dominant political structure condemned the undertaking to failure in advance, but in the election of March 3, 1910, the opposition obtained its best results among all the electoral competitions of the First Republic; Hermes da Fonseca and Venceslau Brás assumed the presidency and vice-presidency, respectively, on November 15, 1910, and a week later, on the 22nd, under the command of the sailor João Cândido, the sailors of the battleships Minas Gerais and São Paulo revolted (supported by sailors from Barroso and Bahia). Originally planned for ten days after the presidential inauguration, the punishment meted out to a sailor, who was subjected to whipping, precipitated the beginning of the uprising that became known as Revolta da Chibata. The sailors notably claimed the end of corporal punishment in the Navy; As a senator, Rui Barbosa participated in negotiations with the rebels and on November 24, he presented an amnesty project to the Senate. The following day, Marshal Hermes da Fonseca signed a decree granting amnesty to insurgents in possession of National Navy ships. However, soon after, another decree authorized the dismissal, by exclusion, of soldiers from the Marine Corps whose permanence was considered harmful to discipline. For Rui, the latter constituted a fraud against the amnesty and, in the Senate, he harshly criticized the government's attitude. In vain, because on December 4th, 22 sailors were arrested and taken to Ilha das Cobras, accused of conspiracy. A prisoner revolt followed, which was harshly repressed, several murdered. The government boarded a large group of rebels on the Satellite ship and deported them to the Amazon. Several were shot on board, which gave rise to a new indignant demonstration by Rui in the Senate, demanding the conviction of those responsible for the massacre. The Revolt ended with the defeat and expulsion of the insurgents' Navy

Rodrigo Augusto da Silva - No. - Conservative - 2nd Baron of Tietê

José Antônio Saraiva - No. - Liberal

Gaspar da Silveira Martins - Liberal

Manuel Vitorino - Liberal

Oligarchy:

Artur Bernardes - Yes. - 149

Paulo de Frontin -

Ribeiro de Andrada - Yes. - 165

Otávio Mangabeira - Yes. - 74

Estácio Coimbra - Yes. -

Henrique Dodsworth - Yes. -

Pre Integralist:

Jackson de Figueiredo - Yes. -

Severino Sombra - No. -

Miguel Reale - No. -

Anor Butler Maciel - No. -

Populist:

Cordeiro de Farias - Yes. -

Eduardo Gomes - Yes. -

Osvaldo Aranha - Yes. -

Alberto Pasqualini -

João Mangabeira - Yes. -

Fernando Ferrari -

Ademar de Barros -

Pedro Ernesto Baptista -

uncertainty:

Abelardo Jurema - Edna Lott -

Hermes Lima -

Walter Moreira Salles -

Josué de Castro -

Roberto Campos -

Roberto Silveira -

Ney Braga -

Mário Simonsen -

Jânio Quadros - Miguel Arraes -

Afonso Arinos -

Auro de Moura Andrade -

Celso Peçanha -

Ariano Suassuna -

Herbert Levy -

Francisco Julião -

Carlos Lacerda -

See the others in the document.

Contemporary:

Themes:

ABC -

ABL -

AIPB -

AM-B -

AL -

Anarchism -

1891 Constitutional Assembly -

ABE -

ABI -

ACSP -

ACRJ -

AVANTI! -

Brazil Bank -

National Flag -

Imperial Family Ban -

A Batalha -

Workers and peasants bloc -

Bolivia Syndicate -

Salvador bombing -

Borracha -

Bota-Abaixo -

Caixa de aposentadorias e pensões de estradas de ferro -

Campanha Civilista -

False letters -

CACO -

Centro acadêmico XI de agosto -

CIESP -

Centro dom vital -

CIB -

A cigarra -

Clarté -

Classe operária -

Clube de engenharia -

Clube militar -

Clube naval -

Clube republicano -

Código civil de 1916 -

Coligação Católica Brasileira -

Coluna Prestes -

Comissão de diplomação dos eleitos/Comissão de verificação de poderes -

Confederação geral do trabalho -

COB -

Conferencias de Paz de Haia (1899 e 1907) -

Conferencias pan-americanas -

CNT -

1891 Constitution -

Convenio de Taubaté -

Colarinho Roosevelt -

Coronelismo -

Correio da manhã -

Correio do povo -

Correio Paulistano -

1929 Crisis -

Crítica -

O Cruzeiro -

Damas da cruz verde -

Defesa nacional -

DNSP -

Dia do soldado -

Diário carioca -

Diário da Bahia -

Diário da manhã -

Diário da noite -

Diário de notícias (RJ) -

Diário de notícias (salvador) -

Diário de pernambuco -

Diário de SP -

Diário nacional -

Diário oficial -

Diplomacia das canhoneiras -

Dom Quixote -

Doutrina Drago -

Electron -

ELEIÇÃO A BICO DE PENA -

ENCILHAMENTO -

ESCOLA DO RECIFE -

ESCOLA MILITAR DA PRAIA VERMELHA -

ESCOLA MILITAR DO REALENGO -

ESQUERDA, A -

ESTADO DE MINAS -

ESTADO DE S. PAULO, O -

EXPOSIÇÃO DO CENTENÁRIO DA ABERTURA DOS PORTOS -

EXPOSIÇÃO INTERNACIONAL DO CENTENÁRIO DA INDEPENDÊNCIA DO BRASIL -

FEDERAÇÃO, A -

FEDERAÇÃO BRASILEIRA PELO PROGRESSO FEMININO -

FLORIANISMO -

FLUMINENSE, O -

FON FON -

FUNDING LOANS (1898, 1914 e 1931) -

GAZETA, A -

IMIGRAÇÃO -

IMPOSTO DE RENDA -

ITABIRA IRON ORE COMPANY -

IFOCS -

JACOBINISMO -

Silva Jardim (republican stuff) -

JORNAL DO BRASIL -

JORNAL DO COMÉRCIO -

JORNAL, O -

JOVENS TURCOS -

KLAXON -

LANTERNA, A -

LEI DO SORTEIO MILITAR -

LEI ELÓI CHAVES -

LEIS ADOLFO GORDO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA CONTRA O ANALFABETISMO -

LIGA BRASILEIRA PELOS ALIADOS -

LIGA DA DEFESA NACIONAL (LDN) -

LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

LIGA DE AÇÃO REVOLUCIONARIA -

LIGA NACIONALISTA DE SÃO PAULO (LNSP) -

LIGA PRÓ-SANEAMENTO DO BRASIL -

LIGHT -

MAÇONARIA -

MARAGATOS, PICA-PAUS E CHIMANGOS -

MUTUALISMO -

NAÇÃO, A -

NACIONALISMO -

Nicanor do Nascimento -

NOITE, A -

NOTÍCIA, A -

OCUPAÇÃO BRITÂNICA DA ILHA DA TRINDADE -

OLIGARQUIAS -

ORDEM, A -

PACTO BRIAND-KELLOG -

PACTO DE PEDRAS ALTAS -

PAÍS, O -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA CONFERÊNCIA DE PAZ DE VERSALHES -

PARTICIPAÇÃO BRASILEIRA NA PRIMEIRA GUERRA MUNDIAL -

PÁTRIA, A -

PLATEIA, A -

PLEBE, A -

POLÍTICA COMERCIAL NA PRIMEIRA REPÚBLICA -

POLÍTICA DAS SALVAÇÕES -

POLÍTICA DOS GOVERNADORES -

POSITIVISMO -

POVO, O -

PRIMEIRO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

Proclamação da República -

PROJETO DE PACTO DO ABC DE 1909 -

QUESTÃO MILITAR -

QUESTÃO PANTHER -

RAZÃO, A -

REAÇÃO REPUBLICANA -

REARMAMENTO NAVAL (1910) -

RECONHECIMENTO DO REGIME REPUBLICANO -

REFORMA DA CONSTITUIÇÃO DE 1891 -

REFORMA DO SERVIÇO DIPLOMÁTICO (1895) -

REFORMAS EDUCACIONAIS -

RETIRADA DO BRASIL DA LIGA DAS NAÇÕES -

REVISTA DA SEMANA -

REVISTA DE ANTROPOFAGIA -

REVISTA DO BRASIL -

REVISTA ILUSTRADA -

REVOLTA DA ARMADA -

REVOLTA DA CHIBATA -

REVOLTA DA VACINA -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1922 -

REVOLTA DE 5 DE JULHO DE 1924 -

REVOLUÇÃO DE 1930 -

REVOLUÇÃO FEDERALISTA -

REVOLUÇÃO GAÚCHA DE 1923 -

SEDIÇÃO DE JUAZEIRO -

SEGUNDO CONGRESSO OPERÁRIO BRASILEIRO -

SEMANA DE ARTE MODERNA -

SINDICALISMO -

SINDICALISMO AMARELO -

SINDICATO -

SISTEMA ELEITORAL -

SAIN -

SRB -

STF -

STM -

TARDE, A -

TENENTISMO -

TERRA LIVRE, A -

TRATADO DE LOCARNO -

TRATADO DE PETRÓPOLIS -

TRATADOS DE FIXAÇÃO DE LIMITES TERRITORIAIS -

TRIBUNAL DE CONTAS -

UFAM -